EPA Should Rethink Unrealistic 2014 Biofuel Standards

The EPA is planning to set an unrealistic target for cellulosic biofuel production for the 5th year in a row, although the final rule will be postponed until late summer due to an extension of the 2013 deadline for refiners to meet renewable fuel blending requirements from June 30 to September 30. Last year, EPA proposed adjusting the 2014 Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) cellulosic target to 17 million gallons (15.21 billion gallons of total renewable), down from the original 1.75 billion gallon (18.15 billion gallon total renewable) statutory target set by the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007. [i]

The EPA has regularly adjusted RFS targets, as the original EISA mandated unreachable levels of 9 billion gallons of total renewable fuel by 2009 and 36 billion gallons by 2022.[ii]  However, the EPA’s 2014 target for cellulosic biofuels jumped 11 million gallons from its 2013 target of 6 million gallons, which is both concerning and unrealistic.

With only 72,111 gallons of cellulosic biofuel production in the first quarter of 2014, it is unlikely that even the level that EPA mandated for 2013, 6 million gallons, will be reached, let alone the proposed 17 million gallon target for 2014.[iii]  EPA’s targets are therefore still greatly out of touch with reality, and should take into account actual production levels rather than projected production targets.

Source: EPA 2014 RFS Data, http://www.epa.gov/otaq/fuels/rfsdata/2014emts.htm.

The chart above suggests that such a difference between EPA targets and actual cellulosic biofuel production in 2014 should not come as a surprise, as the EPA has consistently chosen targets that are greatly above actual cellulosic biofuel production.  Rather than assessing actual production from 2013, the EPA instead increased the unmet target from last year by 11 million gallons.[iv]

In EPA’s proposed rule for 2014, the EPA based its adjustments for the cellulosic target on simulations and assessments of projected production volumes instead of considering the fact that EPA’s estimates have overestimated actual production 4 years running by at least 5 million gallons a year. EPA’s simulations for 2014 predicted a range of production from 8 million to 30 million gallons. In the first quarter, only 72,111 gallons of cellulosic biofuel were produced—far less than EPA’s simulation. Despite being wrong 4 years in a row, EPA’s simulation obviously failed to quantify important uncertainties, showing that EPA’s target of 17 million gallons is both arbitrary and ambitious.[v] For example, EPA models suggest that new facilities projected to be brought online in the United States in 2014 will increase the production capacity of the cellulosic industry by 600 percent, seemingly ignoring the reality that sheer capacity is much different than actual production.[vi]

Even one of the leading companies of cellulosic biofuel production cannot meet EPA’s projected production rates. KiOR, the nation’s first commercial-sale cellulosic biofuel plant and one of the most significant actors in the EPA’s calculation of cellulosic fuel volumes for the RFS program, has grossly and consistently underperformed EPA’s expected production.  While the company produced a record 385,000 gallons of total fuel in the fourth quarter of 2013 (which was still way below EPA projection), high production costs and insubstantial profits forced the company to freeze its production in the first quarter of 2014.[vii] If the U.S.’s largest cellulosic ethanol provider is considering bankruptcy, defaulting on its loans, and delisting from Nasdaq,[viii] it is an illusion to think that another 16.9 million gallons can be produced by the end of this year.  The EPA should seriously reconsider raising the RFS target from 6 million in 2013 to 17 million in 2014, because the target is likely unattainable.

Setting unrealistic targets has led the often referred-to “phantom fuel” situation to persist, in which petroleum refiners are mandated to include renewable fuels that do not exist.  Because there is not enough actual production of cellulosic biofuel to meet the RFS target, refiners are required to purchase credits that cost the industry more than $2.2 million in fees last year.[ix]  Refiners are not only mandated to blend biofuels that do not exist, but are also forced to purchase credits that may push costs onto consumers. This unnecessary financial drain is the product of unrealistic EPA targets and should be seriously reconsidered in the final decision on the 2014 RFS adjustments taking place at end of this summer.

IER Summer Associate Sarah Pearce authored this post.


[i] Environmental Protection Agency, Federal Register, Vol. 78, No. 230, November 29, 2013, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/FR-2013-11-29/pdf/2013-28155.pdf.

[ii] Environmental Protection Agency, Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS), June 6, 2014, http://www.epa.gov/otaq/fuels/renewablefuels/.

[iii] Environmental Protection Agency, 2014 RFS Data, May 7, 2014, http://www.epa.gov/otaq/fuels/rfsdata/2014emts.htm.

[iv] ibid

[v] See footnote i

[vi] See footnote i

[vii] Amanda Peterka, First U.S. cellulosic plant goes idle as EPA weighs production targets, Governors’ Biofuels Coalition, January 16, 2014, http://www.governorsbiofuelscoalition.org/?p=8108.

[viii] Amanda Peterka, Bankruptcy worries loom as funding dries up at cellulosic plant, Governors’ Biofuels Coalition, March 19, 2014, http://www.governorsbiofuelscoalition.org/?p=8722.

[ix] Reuters, UPDATE 2-U.S. may lower 2013 target for cellulosic ethanol, January 23, 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/01/23/usa-ethanol-cellulosic-idUSL2N0KX1IS20140123.

AEA Enlists New House Leaders to End Wind Welfare

WASHINGTON – American Energy Alliance President Thomas Pyle sent a letter today to House Leadership congratulating the newly elected Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Majority Whip Steve Scalise. The letter also urges them to remain opposed to an extension of the recently expired Wind Production Tax Credit (PTC). AEA also ran a full page ad in today’s edition of Politico as part of a broader paid initiative that includes digital and social media.

Excerpts from the letter:

The PTC expired as of January 1, 2014. However, green pressure groups and the wind lobby are working to revive this costly policy as part of a tax extenders package and also have it be retroactively reinstated. We urge you to oppose such an action.

We agree with Majority Leader McCarthy that subsidies for wind have “had their time”. Majority Whip Scalise, you have similarly condemned the PTC. In late 2012, you joined with 44 fellow Representatives in a letter stating, “Twenty years of subsidizing wind is more than enough.” This decades old subsidy has far outlived its usefulness. The wind industry should be left to compete in the free market based on its own merits, not rely on taxpayer dollars. We ask that you stand by your previous positions and remain in opposition to an extension of this wasteful subsidy.

The effect of providing a subsidy worth half or more of the wholesale price of electricity has already negatively impacted electricity reliability, because the artificial price structure created by the PTC encourages the development of uneconomic wind while undermining the economics of reliable full-time generation such as coal, natural gas, and nuclear. Investor Warren Buffett made this fact very clear when her recently said, “…On wind energy, we get a tax credit if we build a lot of wind farms. That’s the only reason to build them. They don’t make sense without the tax credit.”

To read the full letter, click here.
###

The National Interest

National-Interest-590-AEA

U.S. Energy Boom Helping Refiners and Manufacturers

The U.S. oil boom is helping U.S. manufacturers, including refiners, by producing low-cost energy to help American companies compete in a global economy. The latest example of this is a recent report by the Energy Information Administration (EIA) that compares the profitability of American and European refiners over the past 10 years. EIA’s analysis shows that over the last three years American refiners have reported considerably higher profits than their European counterparts due to lower input costs. This is because of benefits of increased domestic natural gas and oil production.

The recent influx of oil obtained through the use of hydraulic fracturing and directional drilling has widened the spread between the price of WTI (domestic) and Brent (European) crude oil prices. This has resulted in lower input costs for U.S. refiners that acquire their oil domestically. After the first quarter of 2014, the EIA reports American refiners earned around $6 more per barrel processed than refiners operating in the European markets—all because of an increase in U.S. natural gas and oil production.

This increase in supply of oil for U.S. refiners comes in the wake of a large build-out of transportation and storage infrastructure over the past several years. Firms spent billions to complete projects that move oil and gas across the United States from operating wells to refiners, and ultimately to consumers.

This increase in available oil is leading refiners to actually increase refining capacity in the U.S. A Wall Street Journal article from March 2014 reports an estimated increase in oil-refining capacity of 400,000 barrels per day to existing plants by 2018 – the equivalent of constructing a new, large-scale refinery – the last of which was built over three decades ago.

One town reaping the benefits of the refining boom is Nixon, Texas, profiled in a New York Times article earlier this year. The town is home to a refining plant owned by Blue Dolphin Energy, which resumed operations 2 years ago. The opening of the refinery resulted in the direct employment of 50 individuals, has packed the town’s diners and stores, quadrupled home values and allowed the town to improve infrastructure like roads and water systems.

The re-opening of the refinery in Nixon, Texas and the proposed capacity additions highlight the beneficial impact increased energy production, and the resulting lower energy prices, can have on individuals, small businesses, and towns alike.

IER summer associate Justin Bohlen authored this post

Mission Accomplished

Coal Killer

Coal-Killer-AEA-590

Rahall is Not Doing Enough

“President Obama’s war on coal is really a war on West Virginia families and Nick Rahall simply has not done enough to protect West Virginia from Washington’s anti-coal regulations.” -AEA President Thomas Pyle
WASHINGTON – The American Energy Alliance continued today its energy accountability initiative with another round of television and online ads in West Virginia. These ads come on the heels of the EPA’s recently proposed rules for existing power plants—one of the costliest regulations in history. The ads hold Congressman Nick Rahall accountable for shielding this and several other of President Obama’s anti-coal regulations from facing an up or down vote in Congress. The total ad buy is for $140,000 and the ads will air for three weeks.
Thomas Pyle, president of the American Energy Alliance, released the following statement:

“When coal takes a hit, so do West Virginia families, and the EPA’s anti-coal policies are having very real and devastating impacts on the state, including higher energy costs and lost jobs. But instead of protecting West Virginians from these threats, Congressman Rahall voted to shield the Obama Administration’s radical anti-coal agenda from the scrutiny of Congress. Rahall’s vote against reining in EPA’s regulatory power and his support for budgets that advance the carbon tax agenda prove that when push comes to shove, Nick Rahall stands with President Obama instead of standing up to him.

“President Obama’s war on coal is really a war on West Virginia families and Nick Rahall simply has not done enough to protect West Virginia from Washington’s anti-coal regulations.”

To view the ad, click here.

To read the fact sheet for the ad, click here.

###

German Government Distorts IPCC Report on Subsidies

The Global Warming Policy Foundation (GWPF) has caught the German government distorting the latest IPCC’s report on the effectiveness of “green” energy subsidies. The whole episode is just another example of how broken the IPCC process is. When it suits a group’s policy desires, they will quote from the IPCC. When the peer-reviewed science doesn’t support their desired positions, well, they’ll simply report the exact opposite—and still claim “the consensus” on their side.

The standard position of economists who work on climate change policy is that if one thinks that greenhouse gas emissions pose a “negative externality” deserving of some type of government response, then a carbon tax or cap-and-trade scheme will “internalize the externality” and market forces will take care of the rest. Now to be clear, there are problems with such an approach—the current author has published an extensive critique of this standard case for a carbon tax. But the point is, the default position among economists on this issue is that if you have a carbon tax or cap and trade system in place, then further interventions such as energy subsidies are completely useless.

This is what the IPCC reported, in its latest update. The GWPF blog post makes this point when it writes:

In its report the IPCC emphasises the futility of subsidies for renewable energy parallel to an emissions trading system: “The addition of a CO2 reduction policy to a second policy does not necessarily lead to greater CO2 reductions,” it says in a literal translation of the IPCC’s Technical Summary: “In an emissions trading scheme with a sufficiently stringent cap other measures such as subsidising renewable energy have no further influence on total CO2 emissions.”

Thus, the IPCC now confirms what the Scientific Advisory Board of the Federal Ministry of Economics, the Monopolies Commission or the President of the Ifo Institute, Hans -Werner Sinn, have been saying for years: Under the fixed cap of European emissions trading with its precisely calculated amount of pollution rights renewable energy subsidies only lead to a shift of CO2 emissions, but not to their reduction.

To reiterate, we do not agree that a European emissions trading scheme is good policy, but we recognize the standard economic point that if you have such a system up and running, then it makes no sense whatsoever to supplement it with government subsidies for “green” energy. No, one of the ostensible virtues of a carbon tax or a cap-and-trade system is that they are “market-based” solutions, which allow governments to address climate change in a flexible way, rather than imposing a top-down solution of picking winners and losers.

Yet that’s not the message the German government wants to convey, because it has plenty of vested interests who enjoy subsidies. So what did it do, in light of the awkward IPCC position? It simply reversed what the IPCC said, as the GWPF blog post explains:

Yet the IPCC’s clear verdict regarding the climate-political futility of green energy subsidies that run simultaneously to emissions trading does not appear in the German [government’s] summary. The only comment on this issue reads completely differently: “Emissions trading affects the impact of others measures, unless the number of allowed certificates are adjusted flexibly.”

The difference is obvious: the IPCC has declared CO2 emissions trading to be an effective instrument that makes subsidies for renewable energy unnecessary. The German [government’s] translation reverses this conclusion and makes emissions trading the culprit that allegedly “constricts the impact of other measures.”

This episode beautifully illustrates what the Heritage Foundation’s David Kreutzer explained at a carbon tax conference last summer: Governments cannot be trusted to “phase out” other anti-carbon policies, if only they could get a carbon tax or cap-and-trade scheme. This is a false promise made by the advocates of such schemes, either because they are naïve or because they have no problem bending the truth to achieve their political objectives.

We have the real-world example of Australia: When it imposed a carbon tax, its government didn’t abolish other types of interventions. Many of the most vociferous supporters of a carbon tax (or cap-and-trade scheme) have no intention of getting rid of gasoline taxes, power plant mandates, renewable fuel standards, or fuel economy standards. The German government’s recent chicanery with the IPCC report is just further evidence of this pattern.

No genuine fan of the free market should ever be fooled into “holding his nose” and supporting a tax or cap on carbon emissions, thinking that it will be part of a bargain that eliminates other interventions. On the contrary, we will just end up with the worst of both worlds: top-down planning of winners and losers, in addition to extra taxes.

IER Senior Economist Robert Murphy authored this post.

What are you looking at?

EPA-Bonus-aea

Federal Govt. is Using the Military to Provide Subsidies for Biofuel Producers

The Government Accountability Office (GAO) recently released a report which found that the military had spent up to $150 per gallon for alternative jet-fuel. This is one more example of how the administration is providing subsidies for renewable producers.

The latest GAO report found:

The federal government supports the development and use of alternative jet fuels through both broad and targeted initiatives. Broad national strategies promote the development of a variety of alternative fuels—including alternative jet fuel—to help achieve national goals, such as securing energy independence, fostering economic development, and reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

Of the three justifications the GAO gives for the federal government spending up to $150 a gallon subsidizing alternative fuels, the only one that is possibly true is a potential reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. The administration is not serious about securing energy independence nor are they serious about fostering economic development. Furthermore, the latest evidence shows that the alternative fuel actually increased greenhouse gas emissions.

If the administration were serious about energy security, then why are they subsidizing experimental products that may, potentially, increase energy security rather than taking concrete steps to actually increase energy security today? This is why the energy security argument does not makes sense.

The administration only leases 3 percent of federal lands for energy development. If the administration were serious about energy security, they would lease more lands and it would learn from the states how to increase oil production and protect the environment at the same time. On private and state lands, oil production has increased 61 percent over the last five years, but oil production has decreased by six percent on federal lands. This drop in oil production on federal land would not happen if the administration were serious about energy security.

The administration could also allow the Keystone XL pipeline to be built. Oil from Canada is just as secure as oil from the United States. If the administration were serious about energy security, they wouldn’t restrict oil from Canada. Instead, they would allow the Keystone XL pipeline to be built.

As for fostering economic development, again there is no evidence that the administration interested in fostering overall economic development. Buying fuel at above market rate is a waste of money. Wasting money does not foster economic development, instead it retards it. As Phillip Cross the former Chief Economic Analyst at Statistics Canada wrote:

Public sector investment never “kick-starts” more business investment, creating the virtuous circle governments always hope for when launching the latest wave of government capital spending. Instead, more public sector spending creates a vicious circle, where a “failure” of business investment to respond to higher public sector spending justifies the perceived need to further boost public sector investment “to fill the gap.

This is what has happed with energy subsidies. With biofuel, not only have there been subsidies for years, but the Renewable Fuel Standard mandates that Americans use billions of gallons of biofuel a year. If subsidies for mandates “kick-started” more business investment there would be no need at this point for the military to pay $150 per gallon for some exotic jet fuel.

Lastly, there is the potential for alternative fuel to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. But the evidence is not strong and is decreasing. The latest study from the University of Nebraska-Lincoln found that:

Using corn crop residue to make ethanol and other biofuels reduces soil carbon and can generate more greenhouse gases than gasoline, according to a study published today in the journal Nature Climate Change.

The findings by a University of Nebraska-Lincoln team of researchers cast doubt on whether corn residue can be used to meet federal mandates to ramp up ethanol production and reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The justification the administration and the military give for spending massive amounts of money on alternative fuels do not hold water. It appears, therefore, that this spending is just one more example of unnecessary and economically harmful subsidies for alternative fuels.

IER Director of Regulatory and State Affairs Daniel Simmons authored this post