No More Carbon Taxes in the Land Down Under

Australia’s carbon tax was so disastrous that some of its biggest supporters are hastily distancing themselves from it — and lawmakers in the U.S. should take note.

The Sydney Morning Herald reported this week that the democratic socialist Labor Party is officially bailing on support for a carbon tax. Party leader Bill Shorten announced:

“We will not have a carbon tax, the Australian people have spoken and Labor is not going to go back to that.” [Emphasis added]

The carbon tax was such a disaster that much of the 2013 Prime Minister election was centered around the tax. Then-candidate for Prime Minister Tony Abbott said, “More than anything, this election is a referendum on the carbon tax.”

Abbott went on to win the election in part by pointing out the damages caused by the carbon tax–including higher electricity prices and greater unemployment. A peer-reviewed study from 2013 by Dr. Alex Robson of Griffith University in Brisbane laid out the economic pains the carbon tax caused Australian families:

  • In the year after Australia’s carbon tax was introduced, household electricity prices rose 15%, including the biggest quarterly increase on record.
  • The job market had previously been stable, but after Australia’s carbon tax, the number of unemployed workers has risen by more than 10%.
  • Carbon dioxide emissions have actually increased, and will not fall below current levels until 2043, according to the Australian government.

The following chart from Dr. Robson’s study also maps the ways in which a carbon tax and similar “green” schemes have forced households in Queensland (QLD) and New South Wales (NSW), Australia to pay higher electricity bills:

Screen Shot 2014-10-14 at 12.17.40 PM

As a result of these negative impacts, Australians spoke loud and clear on election day when they voted in Tony Abbott as Prime Minister. And even the Labor Party, once a staunch supporter of the carbon tax, is distancing itself from the carbon tax.

Although Australians recognized that the carbon tax was destroying their economy, many U.S. policymakers and pundits continue to support implementing a similar system in the U.S. Just recently, Senator Mark Udall from Colorado touted his support for a price on carbon dioxide emissions:

Australia’s carbon tax brought higher energy costs and unemployment to its citizens. To prevent these same outcomes in America, our policymakers should heed the warning signs in Australia and drop their support for a carbon tax, or risk paying the political price of ignoring the priorities of the American people.

Engineering America’s Tomorrow at the Colorado School of Mines

America’s energy boom has created an abundance of high-paying and secure jobs in the oil and gas industry at a time when other sectors of the economy continue to struggle. As a result students are flocking towards degree paths that will help them break into the industry.

For example, the Colorado School of Mines has seen annual enrollment for undergrad petroleum engineering increase from under 300 to 900 in the last ten years. And it’s not alone. The University of Wyoming and the University of North Dakota have also seen record growth in petroleum engineering enrollment numbers.

ie-enrollment-graph

Students pursuing this degree path can expect a high-paying job in a rapidly growing field.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) the median pay for a petroleum engineer in 2012 was $130,280 per year. That’s nearly four times the median pay across all occupations.

Screen Shot 2014-10-17 at 10.11.02 AM

Not only is the pay good–the demand for petroleum engineers is climbing. The BLS projects that employment of petroleum engineers is projected to grow 26 percent from 2012 to 2022, significantly higher than the 11 percent growth rate projected across all occupations.

Screen Shot 2014-10-17 at 10.07.45 AM

As many young Americans are investing their future in America’s energy boom, the oil and gas industry is investing in their education. For example, the industry is paying for new equipment and classrooms at the Colorado School of Mines. And the oil company Schlumberger is even paying one of its employees to be an adjunct professor at the school.

America’s energy boom is providing job opportunities that simply didn’t exist ten years ago.  In an economy where many recent college graduates face unemployment or underemployment, the oil and gas industry is an encouraging bright spot that will only continue to grow.

Wind PTC Gives to the Rich at the Expense of the Taxpayer

In a recent speech, former U.K. Environment Secretary Owen Paterson compared the U.K.’s Climate Change Act to the policies of the infamous Sheriff of Nottingham in the story of Robin Hood:

“It amazes me that our last three energy secretaries, Ed Miliband, Chris Huhne and Ed Davey, have merrily presided over the single most regressive policy we have seen in this country since the Sheriff of Nottingham: the coerced increase of electricity bills for people on low incomes to pay huge subsidies to wealthy landowners and rich investors.” [Emphasis added]

Paterson specifically pointed out policies that subsidize wind, which are expected to cost the U.K. 1.3 trillion euros by 2050.

The United States faces a similar problem with the decades-old wind Production Tax Credit (PTC), which provides wind producers with a subsidy from the American people of 2.3 cents per kilowatt hour. Although the wind PTC expired at the end of 2013, Congress is under pressure from the American Wind Energy Association (AWEA) and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to extend the tax credit via a tax extenders package (the IRS has already given wind producers very favorable treatment on existing provisions). Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid has made it clear that passing tax extenders will be a top priority going into the lame duck session.

But an extension of the PTC would not come cheap. The Senate Finance Committee estimates that a two-year extension would cost taxpayers $13.35 billion.

Not only do Americans pay for the wind PTC in their taxes, but also through higher energy prices, as First Energy CEO Anthony Alexander explains:

“Subsidies such as the Production Tax Credit encourage developers to build whether or not the generation output is needed. This unneeded, excess capacity is not only uneconomic, but it puts additional pressure on baseload coal and nuclear assets that are essential to grid stability and affordable energy prices.” [Emphasis added]

Just like the Sheriff of Nottingham, the PTC gives to the rich at the expense of average taxpayer. As billionaire investor and Berkshire Hathaway CEO Warren Buffett said:

“I will do anything that is basically covered by the law to reduce Berkshire’s tax rate. For example, on wind energy, we get a tax credit if we build a lot of wind farms. That’s the only reason to build them. They don’t make sense without the tax credit.”

Reinstating the PTC will only put more of a financial burden on the American people while lining the pockets of billionaires and subsidy-chasing corporations. U.S. policymakers should echo the calls of Owen Paterson in the U.K. and put an end to subsidies like the wind Production Tax Credit once and for all.

Governator Encourages the World to Be More Like California — But Should He?

The Governator is back, only this time he’s here to promote California’s failed energy policies on a global scale. Two-term governor of California and Terminator legend, Arnold Schwarzenegger presided over a climate conference which was hosted by his group “R20 Regions of Climate Action”. The conference ended in an unbinding pledge by several regional groups to join the fight against global warming.

In his remarks at the conference, Schwarzenegger touted California’s success:

“Our organization, the R20 and I, we are big believers in a regional approach, in the sub-national approach, that while maybe the UN does not come to an agreement right away, and hopefully when they have the negotiations in Paris they will come to an agreement, but to utilize also the sub-national governments because we in California have been very successful without the help of the national government.” [Emphasis added]

In truth, Schwarzenegger’s policies in California have only continued the state’s legacy of expensive energy.

As governor of California, Schwarzenegger pushed hard for “green” energy policies in the name of climate change, including a mandate that 33 percent of retail electricity sales come from renewables by 2020 and a low carbon fuel standard (LCFS), which forces transportation fuel producers to reduce the amount of greenhouse gas emissions used in the manufacturing of fuel or to purchase credits to offset their impact.

As a result of California’s energy policies, the state now suffers from some of the highest electricity costs and gasoline prices in the U.S.:

Screen Shot 2014-10-14 at 11.35.36 AM

And if it weren’t enough to harm California’s energy situation, Schwarzenegger has taken it upon himself to promote these types of policies around the world through R20 Regions of Climate Action. The truth of the matter, though, is that a bigger global problem than climate change is energy poverty.

In 2011, 1.3 billion people did not have access to electricity, almost a fifth of the global population. Developing nations are focused on increasing access to affordable energy for their citizens, not on implementing policies that will make energy more expensive. In fact, the leaders of China and India skipped the recent UN climate summit because the UN’s renewables push would threaten reliable energy and human development in both countries.

We may not be able to go back in time, as Schwarzenegger did in Terminator, and warn Californians about Schwarzenegger’s disastrous policies, but countries should look to his failures as an example of what not to do.

Detour

XL-Detour-600-AEA

Climate Activists ADMIT They Are Moving the Goalposts

Last month I wrote a post titled, “Climate Change Crowd Moves Goalposts—Again.” I was referring to the rhetorical strategy of de-emphasizing Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a metric for gauging the impact of climate change. I speculated that this was because the climate change activists recognized that on the original terms of the debate—as staked out in the IPCC reports, for example—their case was quite weak. Somebody who knew how to actually read the latest IPCC report would see that this “consensus science” showed that the goal of limiting global warming to 2°C would cost more than the benefits (as I demonstrated in a later post).

In that context, it’s very refreshing to see my accusations totally confirmed by this October 1 Nature article that explicitly calls for climate activists to change their goal. And they even cite the awkward pause in global warming as one of the reasons! I’m not exaggerating for effect; look at their opening paragraphs:

For nearly a decade, international diplomacy has focused on stopping global warming at 2°C above pre-industrial levels. This goal — bold and easy to grasp — has been accepted uncritically and has proved influential.

Bold simplicity must now face reality. Politically and scientifically, the 2°C goal is wrong-headed. Politically, it has allowed some governments to pretend that they are taking serious action to mitigate global warming, when in reality they have achieved almost nothing. Scientifically, there are better ways to measure the stress that humans are placing on the climate system than the growth of average global surface temperature — which has stalled since 1998 and is poorly coupled to entities that governments and companies can control directly. [Bold added.]

Rarely does one get such clear-cut confirmation: These particular climate change activists are telling their colleagues that the “pause” in global warming is putting them into a rhetorical box, and so they had better switch to a whole suite of dials that could not possibly be falsified. (They didn’t use those exact words; that is my elaboration on how they are trying to avoid making the same mistake in the future.)

Now to their credit, some members of the climate activist community are pushing back against the Nature article, saying that the 2°C goal should not be abandoned. Nonetheless, I thought it worthwhile to bring the latest to your attention, showing that we’re not attacking strawmen here: When the data year after year make it harder to stick to the original climate change goal, an article in Nature calls for moving the goal.

IER Senior Economist Robert Murphy authored this post.

Corporate Welfare for Biofuels Goes Beyond RFS

As biofuels lobbyists and the Obama Administration are battling over the final numbers for the 2014 Renewable Fuel Standard, the Administration is attempting to prop up the biofuels industry through military purchasing. The Administration recently announced they would be granting $210 million in military contracts to spur the creation of commercial scale biofuels by constructing three biorefineries to produce “drop-in” biofuels.[1]

This is not the first time the federal government has used the massive purchasing power of the Department of Defense (DoD)—the largest single energy consumer in the United States—to subsidize biofuel producers. But this latest spending is just as inappropriate as the Navy’s spending over $26 a gallon for biofuel in the past. The role of the military is to defend the United States, not to subsidize pet energy projects favored by the Obama Administration. This is especially true given the current threats posed by ISIS, Russia, and other troubles around the world.

Status of drop-in biofuels

 According to Department of Energy (DOE), drop-in biofuels are similar to gasoline, diesel, or jet fuels, and are made from a variety of sources. This round of subsidized biofuels will be made from waste fats, municipal solid waste, and woody-biomass.[2] They are called “drop-in” fuels because they can use current infrastructure and meet current diesel, gasoline, and jet fuel quality specifications since they are chemically indistinguishable from petroleum-derived fuels. However DOE states, “Drop-in fuels are in a research and development phase with pilot- and demonstration-scale plants under construction.”[3] Therefore drop-in biofuels are not currently commercially feasible, and only being produced because of this military contract.

Rationale for the drop-in biofuels program

The Department of Defense (DoD) is implementing this project through the Defense Production Act (DPA) of 1950, which allows the President to, “…prioritize contracts for goods and services, and offer incentives within the domestic market to enhance the production and supply of critical materials and technologies when necessary for national defense.”[4]

One obvious problem with these new subsidies for biofuel producers is that these subsidies are not “necessary for national defense”—not even close. Here’s what U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus said:

You only have to read the headlines to understand how energy can be used as a weapon. Today, oil is the ultimate global commodity, and when something happens anywhere, energy traders out a security premium on the price, and the DOD has had billion of dollars in expense from its budget that had to be redirected to fuels.

We’re in a maritime century. 90 percent of all trade goes over the ocean, 95 percent of data goes under the ocean. The navy and marines provide the ability keep sea-lanes open, to deter conflict without escalating tension, to give the President options. And power and energy is critical to global growth and the ability of the navy and Marine Corps to do that.[5]

This is all true, but it provides no justification for why subsidies for biofuels would change anything and it ignores the change that has already made the world more energy secure—hydraulic fracturing and the rise of U.S. oil and natural gas production.  Plus, the U.S. already maintains the largest Strategic Petroleum Reserve in the world in order meet fuel needs in light of a short-term disruption.[6] It is hard to argue that drop-in biofuels are critical or able to fight against short-term price disruptions.

Private energy investment already solved the problem

Agriculture Secretary Vilsack also commented on the rationale behind the program, “Any time our military can use more American grown fuels instead of relying on foreign sources it makes our armed forces more energy secure.”[7] This is true, but it means that the federal government should be producing more oil. From 2008 through 2013, U.S. biofuel production increased by 612 trillion BTUs.

That is a nice increase, but it pales in comparison to the increase in petroleum production. From 2008 through 2013, oil production increased by 5,161 trillion BTUs and natural gas plant liquids increased by 1,182 trillion BTUs. In total, these liquids increased ten times as much as biofuel production. The security benefits of this increase in obvious. According to Energy Information Administration (EIA) chief Adam Sieminski, oil would cost $150 a barrel if not for the increase in U.S. production.

How much more would the military have to spend today on fuel if not for increased U.S. production? How much more dangerous would the Middle East be without the increase in U.S. production? How much more money would ISIS be making from black market oil sales if not for the increase in U.S. production? The very security and cost savings that Secretary Mabus and Vilsack claim they want to achieve have already occurred—from U.S. oil production.

If the Obama administration were serious about wanting to save money on military oil costs, or make the U.S. more energy secure, they would allow more oil production on federal lands—but instead they are restricting production. According to a recent report from the Congressional Research Service, since 2009 oil production on federal lands is fallen by 6 percent even as oil production on private and state lands have increased by 61 percent. Obviously the Obama administration is not serious about saving the military money or making the U.S. more energy secure because they would first allow what works today to continue.

As we have previously shown, this massive increase in domestic oil and natural gas production has put the U.S. on track to be self–sufficient in oil-production.[8] In fact, since 2005 there has been a sharp decrease in the amount of petroleum imported to the U.S. and an increase in the amount of petroleum exported.[9]

            

Neither U.S. citizens, nor the military are dependent on oil from overseas to meet their energy needs. The U.S. increasingly imports more oil from Canada than any other country, and Canada now provides the U.S. with more than three times the amount of oil imported from Saudi Arabia.[10]  As a nation, we are more secure because of the revolution in North American oil and gas production, not because of military subsidies for biofuels.

USDA Price Support

In addition to the millions of dollars the military is spending on drop-in biofuels, a separate program through the USDA is available to further subsidize the fuels to make them “cost-competitive” for the military. In 2012 the Administration announced that they would make up to $161 million dollars in funds available for this program.[11] This program allows the USDA to pay for the extra cost the military would accrue by buying biofuels over conventional fuels as long as a USDA-oriented feedstock is used (agricultural in character and made in the USA)[12].

Conclusion

It is critical that the United States military is focused on national defense. This is why Congress gave them the authority to invest in experimental projects when necessary to fulfill that role through the Defense Production Act. However, the Defense Production Act is not a mechanism to subsidize preferred industries or promote alternatives that are not critical for national defense. If the Administration were serious about guarding against oil price increases or increase the secure supply of oil, they would increase the federal lands available for energy production. Today less than 3 percent of lands are leased by energy production. Given the increase in oil production and the obvious price and security benefits, the fact that oil production has fallen on federal lands shows that the Obama administration is not serious about reducing prices or increasing the secure supply of energy.  Thanks to private technological innovation the United States has increased oil production at the most rapid rate ever. Now it is time to translate the energy increases on private and state lands to federal lands.

IER Policy Associate John Glennon authored this post. 


[1] Annie Snider, Obama admin inks ‘game changer’ deals with biorefineries, E&E News, 9/19/14, http://www.eenews.net/greenwire/stories/1060006167.

[2] Department of Energy, Departments of the Navy, Energy, and Agriculture Invest in Construction of Three Biorefineries to Produce Drop-In Biofuel for Military, 9/19/14, http://www.energy.gov/articles/departments-navy-energy-and-agriculture-invest-construction-three-biorefineries-produce.

[3] Department of Energy, Drop-in Biofuels, http://www.afdc.energy.gov/fuels/emerging_dropin_biofuels.html.

[4] Jared T. Brown & Daniel H. Else, The Defense Production Act of 1950: History, Authorities, abd Reauthorization, Congressional Research Service, 7/28/14, http://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R43118.pdf.

[5] Jim Lane, US Navy, DOE, USDA award $210M for 3 biorefineries and mil-spec fuels, Biofuels Digest, 9/19/14, http://www.biofuelsdigest.com/bdigest/2014/09/19/breaking-news-us-navy-doe-usda-award-210m-for-3-biorefineries-and-mil-spec-fuels/.

[6] Anthony Andrews, Kelsi Bracmort, Jared Brown, Daniel Else, The Navy Biofuel Initiative Under the Defense Production Act, Congressional Research Service, 6/22/12, http://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R42568.pdf.

[7] Department of Energy, Departments of the Nave, Energy and Agriculture Invest in Construction of Three Biorefineries to Produce Drop-In Biofuel for Military, 9/19/14, http://www.energy.gov/articles/departments-navy-energy-and-agriculture-invest-construction-three-biorefineries-produce.

[8] Energy Information Administration, Annual Energy Outlook 2014, April 2014, http://www.eia.gov/forecasts/aeo/pdf/0383(2014).pdf.

[9] Energy Information Administration, Weekly Imports & Exports, 9/19/14, http://www.eia.gov/dnav/pet/pet_move_wkly_dc_nus-z00_mbblpd_w.htm.

[10]Energy Information Administration, Monthly Energy Review September 2014,  http://www.eia.gov/totalenergy/data/monthly/pdf/sec3.pdf.

[11] Jim Lane, USDA, US Navy unveil Farm to Fleet program: Navy ‘open for business’ as shift to biofuels blends begins, Biofuels Digest, 12/11/13, http://www.biofuelsdigest.com/bdigest/2013/12/11/usda-us-navy-unveil-farm-to-fleet-program-navy-open-for-business-as-shift-to-biofuels-blends-begins/.

[12] Ibid.

Kerry’s Crusade

kerrys crusade

The Never Ending Threat of the Carbon Tax

Despite the brutal bipartisan legislative defeat in 2009 of the Waxman-Markey cap-and-trade bill, there continue to be policymakers who want to impose a carbon tax. This time, the failures of current tax incentives and proposed regulations that attempt to lower our carbon dioxide emissions and encourage renewable energy are the impetus for the imposition of a carbon tax.  But as we have explained many times, carbon taxes are economically harmful, not matter how they are dressed up.

Dissatisfaction with the Tax Credit Incentive Structure

Everyone acknowledges that the tax code is too complex. This provides an opportunity for those interested in pushing a carbon tax to present it as the solution to everyone’s problems. A recent Senate Finance Committee hearing about the energy tax extenders gave some clues that carbon tax advocates are laying the groundwork for another carbon tax push.

In his opening speech, Senator Hatch bashed the Obama administration’s energy policy and immediately brought up the threat of a carbon tax. He stated, “Proponents of a cap-and-trade approach have, for the most part, acknowledged that this proposal is dead. However, instead of admitting failure and moving on, they are repackaging cap-and-trade by calling it a carbon tax.”[1]

Pro-Carbon Tax Testimony

Gilbert Metcalf, a witness at the hearing, testified in favor of a carbon tax. Metcalf was the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Environment and Energy at the U.S. Department of Treasury in the Obama administration and is currently an economics professor at Tufts University. First he laid out the long-term plan for his ideal energy tax policy: “Current energy tax policy can perhaps be best viewed as a transitional policy until policies such as carbon pricing are put in place. A carbon tax would provide the correct signal to the economy about the social cost of energy production and consumption and so improve economic efficiency.”[2]

Metcalf’s justification for the carbon tax will sound familiar to anyone who has taken an entry-level microeconomics course. He argues that a carbon tax “‘internalizes’ the externality’ by forcing firms to take into account the social costs of pollution by raising their private costs by the value of the social damages that are generated by the pollutant.”[3] He does not however specify how to calculate the amount needed to “internalize the externality”. In fact Metcalf admits, “Estimating the social marginal damages from greenhouse gas emissions is an immensely complex task and all integrated assessment models that undertake that challenging task make clear that considerable uncertainty exists with respect to estimates.”[4]

Metcalf also admits that a domestic carbon tax by itself will have no discernable impact on global emissions, but says if the United States does not act first that “will mean other major countries will not take action.” If the United States does take action they could punish countries who do not act through “border tax adjustments on imports from countries not pricing emissions or carbon tax credits for energy intensive and trade exposed sectors competing with those countries.”[5] Metcalf’s analysis neglects the dubious legality of these types of tariffs.

Overall, Metcalf’s testimony in favor of a carbon tax seems to be a non-solution to a stipulated problem.

Anti-Carbon Tax Testimony

To counter that narrative, economist David Kreutzer testified against carbon taxes and argued that carbon taxes do serious damage to the economy. Using the same modeling techniques employed by the government, Kreutzer outlined some of the effects of the carbon tax proposed by Senators Barbara Boxer and Bernie Sanders. His analysis found a family of four would lose more than $1,000 of income per year, a loss of over 400,000 jobs by 2016, a rise in gas prices by $0.20 by 2016, and a 20 percent rise in electricity prices by 2017.[6] In addition to these findings he noted that a $25/ton carbon tax would only result in a 0.05 degree centigrade change in temperature.

EPA’s Coal Rule
The Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) proposed power plant rule regulating carbon dioxide emissions, if implemented, may provide carbon tax advocates another reason to justify a carbon-pricing scheme.

EPA promotes the alleged “flexibility” states have to determine how to achieve their emissions reductions. However, this state-based “flexibility” ignores the interconnected regional nature of the electric grid and the power sector. Andy Weissman, senior energy policy advisor for Haynes and Boone LLP, explains, “It doesn’t make sense to talk about power plants in any one state if you can’t talk about the utilization of plants across the region.”[7]

The state-based nature of the rule is already causing confusion for utilities and states as they try to come up of compliance plans. David Thornton, the assistant commissioner at Minnesota’s Pollution Control Agency, commented on problems such as: how states will get credit for renewables, nuclear energy, and energy efficiency. He said, “And we’re still sorting through a lot of these details, because quite frankly, EPA’s proposal isn’t clear on how it treats a lot of things.”[8]

A regulatory legal expert summed up the extent of compliance problem upon reviewing the proposed rule:

“The rule, the way it’s crafted, does make cap-and-trade appear as sort of an elegant solution to the problem of how to incentivize reductions in demand and increased renewable generation from the affected sources, which are only fossil fuel generating units.”[9]

EPA’s Onerous Carbon Dioxide Regulations are an Excuse for a Carbon Tax

Groups that support the carbon tax are already using the weaknesses of EPA’s carbon dioxide restrictions to present the carbon tax as the superior alternative. For example Michael Wara, an attorney at green group, Resources for the Future, wrote:

To me, this whole thing is reminiscent of California- lots of shadow carbon prices that are higher and lower than the visible power sector price that’s driving the cost-effective abatement strategy- redispatch. And it makes a fantastic argument for legislative action to implement a simpler and more cost-effective policy. Why can’t we just have a carbon tax and cut my FICA withholding already?[10]

Here the author is showing that poorly designed regulations, essentially act as a surrogate (or “shadow”) carbon tax by making carbon-intensive activities more expensive. One problem with Wara’s argument is that he ignores an important element in the economic literature of carbon taxes. As IER’s Robert Murphy has explained many times, the so-called “tax interaction effect” (the way new carbon taxes interact with pre-existing taxes on labor and capital) means that  we don’t get a win-win or a cost-effective policy from just reducing FICA and imposing a carbon tax. Wara and others who write in praise of a carbon “tax swap” often lead their readers to believe that using carbon tax receipts to offset pre-existing tax rates is a “no brainer” to promote conventional economic growth, but actually the peer-reviewed literature says the exact opposite. Carbon taxes are so destructive to the conventional economy that they magnify the damage that labor taxes cause, even if the labor tax rate is reduced with carbon tax receipts.

Conclusion

Even with the bipartisan defeat of cap-and-tax, the threat for similar legislation in the future continues to be real. Dissatisfaction with the patchwork of energy incentives in the tax code, coupled with increasingly onerous regulations such as EPA’s coal rule will help carbon tax proponents continue to bring up the idea of a carbon tax. It is important not to lose sight of the fact that a carbon tax is essentially the same as cap-and-trade, which the American people loudly rejected. Now Washington is attempting to dress the wolf in sheep’s clothing in order to get what they want.

This post was authored by IER Policy Associate John Glennon.


[1] Hatch Statement at Finance Hearing on Energy Taxation, 9/17/14, http://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/9.17.2014%20Hatch%20Statement%20at%20Finance%20Hearing%20on%20Energy%20Taxation.pdf

[2] Dr. Gilbert Metcalf, Testimony for Reforming America’s Outdated Energy Tax Code, 9/17/14, http://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Testimony%20-%20Gilbert%20Metcalf.pdf.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Dr. David Kreutzer, The Impacts of Carbon Taxes on the U.S. Economy: Testimony before the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, 9/16/14, http://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Testimony%20-%20David%20Kreutzer.pdf.

[7] Keith Goldberg, EPA Carbon Rule Points States Toward Cap-And-Trade, Law360, 6/1/14, http://www.law360.com/articles/543619/epa-carbon-rule-points-states-toward-cap-and-trade

[8] Erica Martinson, States, utilities break out ouiji board for EPA carbon plans, POLITICOPro, 9/26/14, http://www.politico.com/morningenergy/0914/morningenergy15453.html.

[9] Keith Goldberg, EPA Carbon Rule Points States Toward Cap-And-Trade, Law360, 6/1/14, http://www.law360.com/articles/543619/epa-carbon-rule-points-states-toward-cap-and-trade

[10] Michael Wara, What’s in the BSER: EPA’s Process for Setting State Goals in the Clean Power Plan, Common Resources, 6/10/14, http://common-resources.org/2014/whats-in-the-bser-epas-process-for-setting-state-goals-in-the-clean-power-plan/.

Massachusetts’ electricity rates to increase by 37 percent this winter

The National Grid, a utility that provides electricity and natural gas to 3.4 million customers in Massachusetts, New York, and Rhode Island, just announced they were increasing electricity prices by 37 percent over last year to their customers in Massachusetts:

“September 24, 2014 – National Grid recently filed with the Massachusetts Department of Public Utilities (DPU) to adjust electric and gas rates for the winter. The company’s electric customers will see a significant increase in their bills due to higher power supply prices (the cost of the electricity National Grid buys for customers and passes on without a mark up). Starting in November, a typical residential customer will see an electric bill that is 37 percent higher than last winter for the same amount of electricity used. ”

A 37 percent increase could make Massachusetts electricity rates the second highest in the country, behind only electricity rates in Hawaii. Currently, the average retail electricity rate in Massachusetts is 16.27 cents per kilowatt hour. An additional 37 percent would make the average retail rate 22.29 cents per kilowatt hour in Massachusetts.

As Roger Bezdek and Frank Clemente explained in a study earlier this year, ” policies  which hurt the U.S. coal fleet are placing the reliability, affordability, and security of  America’s electric supply system at risk.” Massachusetts is demonstrating, through it’s policies, what happens when coal is removed from electricity generation without sufficient infrastructure for backup. This 37 percent increase is just the beginning of electricity affordability issues for New England.