Corporate Welfare for Biofuels Goes Beyond RFS

As biofuels lobbyists and the Obama Administration are battling over the final numbers for the 2014 Renewable Fuel Standard, the Administration is attempting to prop up the biofuels industry through military purchasing. The Administration recently announced they would be granting $210 million in military contracts to spur the creation of commercial scale biofuels by constructing three biorefineries to produce “drop-in” biofuels.[1]

This is not the first time the federal government has used the massive purchasing power of the Department of Defense (DoD)—the largest single energy consumer in the United States—to subsidize biofuel producers. But this latest spending is just as inappropriate as the Navy’s spending over $26 a gallon for biofuel in the past. The role of the military is to defend the United States, not to subsidize pet energy projects favored by the Obama Administration. This is especially true given the current threats posed by ISIS, Russia, and other troubles around the world.

Status of drop-in biofuels

 According to Department of Energy (DOE), drop-in biofuels are similar to gasoline, diesel, or jet fuels, and are made from a variety of sources. This round of subsidized biofuels will be made from waste fats, municipal solid waste, and woody-biomass.[2] They are called “drop-in” fuels because they can use current infrastructure and meet current diesel, gasoline, and jet fuel quality specifications since they are chemically indistinguishable from petroleum-derived fuels. However DOE states, “Drop-in fuels are in a research and development phase with pilot- and demonstration-scale plants under construction.”[3] Therefore drop-in biofuels are not currently commercially feasible, and only being produced because of this military contract.

Rationale for the drop-in biofuels program

The Department of Defense (DoD) is implementing this project through the Defense Production Act (DPA) of 1950, which allows the President to, “…prioritize contracts for goods and services, and offer incentives within the domestic market to enhance the production and supply of critical materials and technologies when necessary for national defense.”[4]

One obvious problem with these new subsidies for biofuel producers is that these subsidies are not “necessary for national defense”—not even close. Here’s what U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus said:

You only have to read the headlines to understand how energy can be used as a weapon. Today, oil is the ultimate global commodity, and when something happens anywhere, energy traders out a security premium on the price, and the DOD has had billion of dollars in expense from its budget that had to be redirected to fuels.

We’re in a maritime century. 90 percent of all trade goes over the ocean, 95 percent of data goes under the ocean. The navy and marines provide the ability keep sea-lanes open, to deter conflict without escalating tension, to give the President options. And power and energy is critical to global growth and the ability of the navy and Marine Corps to do that.[5]

This is all true, but it provides no justification for why subsidies for biofuels would change anything and it ignores the change that has already made the world more energy secure—hydraulic fracturing and the rise of U.S. oil and natural gas production.  Plus, the U.S. already maintains the largest Strategic Petroleum Reserve in the world in order meet fuel needs in light of a short-term disruption.[6] It is hard to argue that drop-in biofuels are critical or able to fight against short-term price disruptions.

Private energy investment already solved the problem

Agriculture Secretary Vilsack also commented on the rationale behind the program, “Any time our military can use more American grown fuels instead of relying on foreign sources it makes our armed forces more energy secure.”[7] This is true, but it means that the federal government should be producing more oil. From 2008 through 2013, U.S. biofuel production increased by 612 trillion BTUs.

That is a nice increase, but it pales in comparison to the increase in petroleum production. From 2008 through 2013, oil production increased by 5,161 trillion BTUs and natural gas plant liquids increased by 1,182 trillion BTUs. In total, these liquids increased ten times as much as biofuel production. The security benefits of this increase in obvious. According to Energy Information Administration (EIA) chief Adam Sieminski, oil would cost $150 a barrel if not for the increase in U.S. production.

How much more would the military have to spend today on fuel if not for increased U.S. production? How much more dangerous would the Middle East be without the increase in U.S. production? How much more money would ISIS be making from black market oil sales if not for the increase in U.S. production? The very security and cost savings that Secretary Mabus and Vilsack claim they want to achieve have already occurred—from U.S. oil production.

If the Obama administration were serious about wanting to save money on military oil costs, or make the U.S. more energy secure, they would allow more oil production on federal lands—but instead they are restricting production. According to a recent report from the Congressional Research Service, since 2009 oil production on federal lands is fallen by 6 percent even as oil production on private and state lands have increased by 61 percent. Obviously the Obama administration is not serious about saving the military money or making the U.S. more energy secure because they would first allow what works today to continue.

As we have previously shown, this massive increase in domestic oil and natural gas production has put the U.S. on track to be self–sufficient in oil-production.[8] In fact, since 2005 there has been a sharp decrease in the amount of petroleum imported to the U.S. and an increase in the amount of petroleum exported.[9]

            

Neither U.S. citizens, nor the military are dependent on oil from overseas to meet their energy needs. The U.S. increasingly imports more oil from Canada than any other country, and Canada now provides the U.S. with more than three times the amount of oil imported from Saudi Arabia.[10]  As a nation, we are more secure because of the revolution in North American oil and gas production, not because of military subsidies for biofuels.

USDA Price Support

In addition to the millions of dollars the military is spending on drop-in biofuels, a separate program through the USDA is available to further subsidize the fuels to make them “cost-competitive” for the military. In 2012 the Administration announced that they would make up to $161 million dollars in funds available for this program.[11] This program allows the USDA to pay for the extra cost the military would accrue by buying biofuels over conventional fuels as long as a USDA-oriented feedstock is used (agricultural in character and made in the USA)[12].

Conclusion

It is critical that the United States military is focused on national defense. This is why Congress gave them the authority to invest in experimental projects when necessary to fulfill that role through the Defense Production Act. However, the Defense Production Act is not a mechanism to subsidize preferred industries or promote alternatives that are not critical for national defense. If the Administration were serious about guarding against oil price increases or increase the secure supply of oil, they would increase the federal lands available for energy production. Today less than 3 percent of lands are leased by energy production. Given the increase in oil production and the obvious price and security benefits, the fact that oil production has fallen on federal lands shows that the Obama administration is not serious about reducing prices or increasing the secure supply of energy.  Thanks to private technological innovation the United States has increased oil production at the most rapid rate ever. Now it is time to translate the energy increases on private and state lands to federal lands.

IER Policy Associate John Glennon authored this post. 


[1] Annie Snider, Obama admin inks ‘game changer’ deals with biorefineries, E&E News, 9/19/14, http://www.eenews.net/greenwire/stories/1060006167.

[2] Department of Energy, Departments of the Navy, Energy, and Agriculture Invest in Construction of Three Biorefineries to Produce Drop-In Biofuel for Military, 9/19/14, http://www.energy.gov/articles/departments-navy-energy-and-agriculture-invest-construction-three-biorefineries-produce.

[3] Department of Energy, Drop-in Biofuels, http://www.afdc.energy.gov/fuels/emerging_dropin_biofuels.html.

[4] Jared T. Brown & Daniel H. Else, The Defense Production Act of 1950: History, Authorities, abd Reauthorization, Congressional Research Service, 7/28/14, http://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R43118.pdf.

[5] Jim Lane, US Navy, DOE, USDA award $210M for 3 biorefineries and mil-spec fuels, Biofuels Digest, 9/19/14, http://www.biofuelsdigest.com/bdigest/2014/09/19/breaking-news-us-navy-doe-usda-award-210m-for-3-biorefineries-and-mil-spec-fuels/.

[6] Anthony Andrews, Kelsi Bracmort, Jared Brown, Daniel Else, The Navy Biofuel Initiative Under the Defense Production Act, Congressional Research Service, 6/22/12, http://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R42568.pdf.

[7] Department of Energy, Departments of the Nave, Energy and Agriculture Invest in Construction of Three Biorefineries to Produce Drop-In Biofuel for Military, 9/19/14, http://www.energy.gov/articles/departments-navy-energy-and-agriculture-invest-construction-three-biorefineries-produce.

[8] Energy Information Administration, Annual Energy Outlook 2014, April 2014, http://www.eia.gov/forecasts/aeo/pdf/0383(2014).pdf.

[9] Energy Information Administration, Weekly Imports & Exports, 9/19/14, http://www.eia.gov/dnav/pet/pet_move_wkly_dc_nus-z00_mbblpd_w.htm.

[10]Energy Information Administration, Monthly Energy Review September 2014,  http://www.eia.gov/totalenergy/data/monthly/pdf/sec3.pdf.

[11] Jim Lane, USDA, US Navy unveil Farm to Fleet program: Navy ‘open for business’ as shift to biofuels blends begins, Biofuels Digest, 12/11/13, http://www.biofuelsdigest.com/bdigest/2013/12/11/usda-us-navy-unveil-farm-to-fleet-program-navy-open-for-business-as-shift-to-biofuels-blends-begins/.

[12] Ibid.

Kerry’s Crusade

kerrys crusade

The Never Ending Threat of the Carbon Tax

Despite the brutal bipartisan legislative defeat in 2009 of the Waxman-Markey cap-and-trade bill, there continue to be policymakers who want to impose a carbon tax. This time, the failures of current tax incentives and proposed regulations that attempt to lower our carbon dioxide emissions and encourage renewable energy are the impetus for the imposition of a carbon tax.  But as we have explained many times, carbon taxes are economically harmful, not matter how they are dressed up.

Dissatisfaction with the Tax Credit Incentive Structure

Everyone acknowledges that the tax code is too complex. This provides an opportunity for those interested in pushing a carbon tax to present it as the solution to everyone’s problems. A recent Senate Finance Committee hearing about the energy tax extenders gave some clues that carbon tax advocates are laying the groundwork for another carbon tax push.

In his opening speech, Senator Hatch bashed the Obama administration’s energy policy and immediately brought up the threat of a carbon tax. He stated, “Proponents of a cap-and-trade approach have, for the most part, acknowledged that this proposal is dead. However, instead of admitting failure and moving on, they are repackaging cap-and-trade by calling it a carbon tax.”[1]

Pro-Carbon Tax Testimony

Gilbert Metcalf, a witness at the hearing, testified in favor of a carbon tax. Metcalf was the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Environment and Energy at the U.S. Department of Treasury in the Obama administration and is currently an economics professor at Tufts University. First he laid out the long-term plan for his ideal energy tax policy: “Current energy tax policy can perhaps be best viewed as a transitional policy until policies such as carbon pricing are put in place. A carbon tax would provide the correct signal to the economy about the social cost of energy production and consumption and so improve economic efficiency.”[2]

Metcalf’s justification for the carbon tax will sound familiar to anyone who has taken an entry-level microeconomics course. He argues that a carbon tax “‘internalizes’ the externality’ by forcing firms to take into account the social costs of pollution by raising their private costs by the value of the social damages that are generated by the pollutant.”[3] He does not however specify how to calculate the amount needed to “internalize the externality”. In fact Metcalf admits, “Estimating the social marginal damages from greenhouse gas emissions is an immensely complex task and all integrated assessment models that undertake that challenging task make clear that considerable uncertainty exists with respect to estimates.”[4]

Metcalf also admits that a domestic carbon tax by itself will have no discernable impact on global emissions, but says if the United States does not act first that “will mean other major countries will not take action.” If the United States does take action they could punish countries who do not act through “border tax adjustments on imports from countries not pricing emissions or carbon tax credits for energy intensive and trade exposed sectors competing with those countries.”[5] Metcalf’s analysis neglects the dubious legality of these types of tariffs.

Overall, Metcalf’s testimony in favor of a carbon tax seems to be a non-solution to a stipulated problem.

Anti-Carbon Tax Testimony

To counter that narrative, economist David Kreutzer testified against carbon taxes and argued that carbon taxes do serious damage to the economy. Using the same modeling techniques employed by the government, Kreutzer outlined some of the effects of the carbon tax proposed by Senators Barbara Boxer and Bernie Sanders. His analysis found a family of four would lose more than $1,000 of income per year, a loss of over 400,000 jobs by 2016, a rise in gas prices by $0.20 by 2016, and a 20 percent rise in electricity prices by 2017.[6] In addition to these findings he noted that a $25/ton carbon tax would only result in a 0.05 degree centigrade change in temperature.

EPA’s Coal Rule
The Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) proposed power plant rule regulating carbon dioxide emissions, if implemented, may provide carbon tax advocates another reason to justify a carbon-pricing scheme.

EPA promotes the alleged “flexibility” states have to determine how to achieve their emissions reductions. However, this state-based “flexibility” ignores the interconnected regional nature of the electric grid and the power sector. Andy Weissman, senior energy policy advisor for Haynes and Boone LLP, explains, “It doesn’t make sense to talk about power plants in any one state if you can’t talk about the utilization of plants across the region.”[7]

The state-based nature of the rule is already causing confusion for utilities and states as they try to come up of compliance plans. David Thornton, the assistant commissioner at Minnesota’s Pollution Control Agency, commented on problems such as: how states will get credit for renewables, nuclear energy, and energy efficiency. He said, “And we’re still sorting through a lot of these details, because quite frankly, EPA’s proposal isn’t clear on how it treats a lot of things.”[8]

A regulatory legal expert summed up the extent of compliance problem upon reviewing the proposed rule:

“The rule, the way it’s crafted, does make cap-and-trade appear as sort of an elegant solution to the problem of how to incentivize reductions in demand and increased renewable generation from the affected sources, which are only fossil fuel generating units.”[9]

EPA’s Onerous Carbon Dioxide Regulations are an Excuse for a Carbon Tax

Groups that support the carbon tax are already using the weaknesses of EPA’s carbon dioxide restrictions to present the carbon tax as the superior alternative. For example Michael Wara, an attorney at green group, Resources for the Future, wrote:

To me, this whole thing is reminiscent of California- lots of shadow carbon prices that are higher and lower than the visible power sector price that’s driving the cost-effective abatement strategy- redispatch. And it makes a fantastic argument for legislative action to implement a simpler and more cost-effective policy. Why can’t we just have a carbon tax and cut my FICA withholding already?[10]

Here the author is showing that poorly designed regulations, essentially act as a surrogate (or “shadow”) carbon tax by making carbon-intensive activities more expensive. One problem with Wara’s argument is that he ignores an important element in the economic literature of carbon taxes. As IER’s Robert Murphy has explained many times, the so-called “tax interaction effect” (the way new carbon taxes interact with pre-existing taxes on labor and capital) means that  we don’t get a win-win or a cost-effective policy from just reducing FICA and imposing a carbon tax. Wara and others who write in praise of a carbon “tax swap” often lead their readers to believe that using carbon tax receipts to offset pre-existing tax rates is a “no brainer” to promote conventional economic growth, but actually the peer-reviewed literature says the exact opposite. Carbon taxes are so destructive to the conventional economy that they magnify the damage that labor taxes cause, even if the labor tax rate is reduced with carbon tax receipts.

Conclusion

Even with the bipartisan defeat of cap-and-tax, the threat for similar legislation in the future continues to be real. Dissatisfaction with the patchwork of energy incentives in the tax code, coupled with increasingly onerous regulations such as EPA’s coal rule will help carbon tax proponents continue to bring up the idea of a carbon tax. It is important not to lose sight of the fact that a carbon tax is essentially the same as cap-and-trade, which the American people loudly rejected. Now Washington is attempting to dress the wolf in sheep’s clothing in order to get what they want.

This post was authored by IER Policy Associate John Glennon.


[1] Hatch Statement at Finance Hearing on Energy Taxation, 9/17/14, http://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/9.17.2014%20Hatch%20Statement%20at%20Finance%20Hearing%20on%20Energy%20Taxation.pdf

[2] Dr. Gilbert Metcalf, Testimony for Reforming America’s Outdated Energy Tax Code, 9/17/14, http://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Testimony%20-%20Gilbert%20Metcalf.pdf.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Dr. David Kreutzer, The Impacts of Carbon Taxes on the U.S. Economy: Testimony before the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, 9/16/14, http://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Testimony%20-%20David%20Kreutzer.pdf.

[7] Keith Goldberg, EPA Carbon Rule Points States Toward Cap-And-Trade, Law360, 6/1/14, http://www.law360.com/articles/543619/epa-carbon-rule-points-states-toward-cap-and-trade

[8] Erica Martinson, States, utilities break out ouiji board for EPA carbon plans, POLITICOPro, 9/26/14, http://www.politico.com/morningenergy/0914/morningenergy15453.html.

[9] Keith Goldberg, EPA Carbon Rule Points States Toward Cap-And-Trade, Law360, 6/1/14, http://www.law360.com/articles/543619/epa-carbon-rule-points-states-toward-cap-and-trade

[10] Michael Wara, What’s in the BSER: EPA’s Process for Setting State Goals in the Clean Power Plan, Common Resources, 6/10/14, http://common-resources.org/2014/whats-in-the-bser-epas-process-for-setting-state-goals-in-the-clean-power-plan/.

Massachusetts’ electricity rates to increase by 37 percent this winter

The National Grid, a utility that provides electricity and natural gas to 3.4 million customers in Massachusetts, New York, and Rhode Island, just announced they were increasing electricity prices by 37 percent over last year to their customers in Massachusetts:

“September 24, 2014 – National Grid recently filed with the Massachusetts Department of Public Utilities (DPU) to adjust electric and gas rates for the winter. The company’s electric customers will see a significant increase in their bills due to higher power supply prices (the cost of the electricity National Grid buys for customers and passes on without a mark up). Starting in November, a typical residential customer will see an electric bill that is 37 percent higher than last winter for the same amount of electricity used. ”

A 37 percent increase could make Massachusetts electricity rates the second highest in the country, behind only electricity rates in Hawaii. Currently, the average retail electricity rate in Massachusetts is 16.27 cents per kilowatt hour. An additional 37 percent would make the average retail rate 22.29 cents per kilowatt hour in Massachusetts.

As Roger Bezdek and Frank Clemente explained in a study earlier this year, ” policies  which hurt the U.S. coal fleet are placing the reliability, affordability, and security of  America’s electric supply system at risk.” Massachusetts is demonstrating, through it’s policies, what happens when coal is removed from electricity generation without sufficient infrastructure for backup. This 37 percent increase is just the beginning of electricity affordability issues for New England.

Why New York has the highest electricity prices in the continental U.S.

Electricity prices are the result of a number of choices over time. States that choose to build a lot of coal-fired and large hydroelectric power plants generally have low-electricity prices, while states that are imposing restrictions on coal and other sources of electricity generation have higher prices. New York, which has the third highest electricity rates in the country, has proposed a surcharge on electricity which will only increase electricity costs for New Yorkers.

When you look through the Energy Information Administration’s table of electricity rates in the states (July 2014 data), one of the most surprising things is that New York has the highest electricity rates of all states except Hawaii and Alaska. New York’s electricity rates are 19 percent higher than New Jersey’s, 31 percent higher than Pennsylvania’s, and 34 percent higher than nearby Ohio’s.

A recent story shows helps explain why New York’s electricity prices are so high. Not only is New York a participant in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, which caps greenhouse gas emissions from power plants, but New York also imposes surcharges on utility bills to pay for “green” energy projects for the last five years and is proposing to extend the surcharge.

According to Crain’s New York Business:

The agency responsible for levying a statewide surcharge on electricity rates to pay for green energy programs has proposed extending the tax for another decade.

NYSERDA, the state’s energy and research development authority, has raised more than $5 billion since 2008 via the surcharge, according to environmental groups. The money has gone to fund a long list of energy-saving programs, including subsidies for efficient building systems and payments to landlords for every watt of electricity they save when the grid is overloaded.

This is one of many reasons why New York has high electricity rates. Over the years New York has consistently made decisions that drive up electricity rates and they continue to do so.

Leonardo DeLusional

Leo 590 AEA

Science Sides with Hydraulic Fracturing

A recent study, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, concluded that neither hydraulic fracturing nor horizontal drilling is contaminating drinking water near well sites. This adds to a growing body of research showing that hydraulic fracturing is a safe way to access natural gas and oil.

National Academy of Sciences Study

Lead researcher and earth science professor Thomas Darrah found, “no unequivocal evidence” that gas in large quantities had migrated from deep shale deposits as a result of the hydraulic fracturing process.[1] Instead, the study linked drinking water contamination to “failures of annulus cement, faulty production casings, and one underground gas well failure.” Darrah also commented, “This is relatively good news because it means that most of the issues we have identified can potentially be avoided by future improvements in well integrity.”[2]

Overall, the study looked at 113 drinking water samples from the Marcellus Shale in Pennsylvania, and 20 samples from the Barnett Shale in Texas. Of the 133 samples taken, a total of 8 samples had contamination. As we have long noted, hydraulic fracturing does not cause groundwater contamination. However, there have been some problems with well construction.

Previous Science and Hydraulic Fracturing’s Safety Record

The National Academy of Sciences study is not the first scientific study that evaluated the link between hydraulic fracturing and drinking water. In 2011, a comprehensive study conducted by geologist and former regulator Scott Kell, also concluded that hydraulic fracturing  is not linked to groundwater contamination . The study, funded by the Groundwater Protection and Education Foundation says, “During their respective study periods (1993-2008 in Texas and 1983-2007 in Ohio), neither the RRC [Texas Railroad Commision] or the DMRM [Ohio Division of Mineral Resources Management] identified a single groundwater contamination incident resulting from site preparation, drilling, well construction, completion, hydraulic fracturing stimulation, or production operations at any of these horizontal shale gas wells.” However, both Texas and Ohio took steps to further regulate hydraulic fracturing because of its increased use, even though hydraulic fracturing is not linked to water contamination.

The federal government  also studied hydraulic fracturing and water contamination. In 2004, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) completed a four-year study analyzing whether or not there is a link between hydraulic fracturing and water contamination. It also concluded there was not. The study evaluated coal bed methane (CBM) wells – wells where the methane is extracted from coal seams – due to allegations that hydraulic fracturing of these wells affected groundwater quality.[3] Specifically, EPA stated, “…although thousands of CBM wells are fractured annually, EPA did not find confirmed evidence that drinking water wells have been contaminated by hydraulic fracturing fluid injection into CBM wells.”

Last month the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) also released a report focusing on California. The BLM stated the “direct environmental impacts” of hydraulic fracturing “appear to be relatively limited.”[4] This report also found that there is “potential risk” for groundwater contamination “if usable aquifers are nearby”, but notes “there are no publicly reported instances of potable water contamination from subsurface releases in California”.[5] As a result, BLM will resume leasing activity in California for the first time since December 2012.[6]

Conclusion

Hydraulic fracturing has been responsible for the biggest change in energy production in decades. This revolutionary technology has reversed the decades-long decline of domestic oil production, increasing domestic natural gas production to the point that we’re actually talking about expanding natural gas exports – not just importing more.

The most recent, peer-reviewed science published in the National Academy of Sciences – along with previous studies conducted by various academics in conjunction with government agencies and non-profits – unequivocally conclude that hydraulic fracturing is safe.

This post was authored by IER Policy Associate John Glennon.


[1] Darius Dixon, Study says bad gas wells pose threat to water, Politico Pro, 9/15/14, https://www.politicopro.com/go/?id=38375.

[2] Ohio State University, Study: Bad Wells, Not Fracking, Contaminate Groundwater, Laboratory Equipment, 9/15/14, http://www.laboratoryequipment.com/news/2014/09/study-bad-wells-not-fracking-contaminate-groundwater

[3] Environmental Protection Agency, Evaluation of Impacts to Underground Sources of Drinking Water by Hydraulic Fracturing of Coalbed Methane Resoviors Study, 2004, http://water.epa.gov/type/groundwater/uic/class2/hydraulicfracturing/wells_coalbedmethanestudy.cfm.

[4] Scott Streater, BLM-backed report finds less impact from Calif. fracking than some fear, E&E News,  8/28/14, http://www.eenews.net/greenwire/2014/08/28/stories/1060005019.

[5] California Council on Science and Technology, Well Stimulation in California, 2014, http://ccst.us/projects/fracking_public/BLM.php/.

[6] Scott Streator, BLM to resume Calif. leasing in wake of fracking science report, E&E News, 8/29,14, http://www.eenews.net/greenwire/2014/08/29/stories/1060005056 .

Setting the Record Straight on the RFS

Nine months after the deadline, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has finally sent its final 2014 Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) volume requirements to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) for review. The RFS requires refiners to blend a certain percentage of renewable fuels into the gasoline supply. The countdown is on for one last big lobbying push by renewable fuel interests push for higher requirements than what was included in EPA’s proposed 2014 RFS rule. EPA Administrator Gina McCarthy recently stated that the final 2014 numbers will be higher than in the proposal EPA released last fall.[1] (For more on EPA’s proposal, see this and this.)

The Renewable Fuel Industries’ Arguments

Many in the ethanol industry are hoping this rule increases the amount of ethanol Americans are required to use. Tom Buis, the CEO of Growth Energy, an ethanol industry trade organization recently stated:

“Ultimately, this final rule should promote the policy goals of the RFS and call for an increase in the production of renewable fuels so we can continue to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, create jobs at home that cannot be outsourced and mitigate climate change, while we improve our environment.”

Buis, however, does not appear to be truly committed to the goal of reducing dependence on foreign oil and creating jobs at home, but rather only to increasing ethanol use and ethanol jobs. If Buis were committed to these goals he would surely call for removing government barriers to domestic production of fuel, not just renewable fuel.

Dependence on Foreign Oil Is Decreasing

When the RFS was created in 2005, domestic oil production was decreasing and oil imports were increasing. The RFS was passed to try to increase domestic production of fuel and reduce imports. That has happened, but only a small part is because of the ethanol production (and not all of the increase in ethanol production can be attributed to the RFS).

The biggest change in energy since 2005 is the hydraulic fracturing revolution. This technological revolution has led to an increase in domestic production of oil from 5,181 thousands of barrels per day in 2005 to 8,531 barrels per day in June 2014[2]. Now the U.S. is on track to one day be self-sufficient in oil production.[3]

Even with the RFS to guarantee an ever-growing market for biofuels, these fuels have not taken the lead in contributing to US energy independence. Since the RFS program was enacted, only 25 percent of the growth in new domestic liquid fuel production came from biofuels, with the remaining 75 percent coming from petroleum.[4]

Not only has oil production increased, but total fuel production has increased as well. This increase in domestic fuel production has significantly reduced our need to import oil. In 2013, only 33 percent of our petroleum was imported from foreign countries, the lowest level since 1985[5].

US Petroleum Import and Exports since 1985 (Barrels Per Day)[6]

Biofuel production has helped reduce the amount of oil imported, but there is no need to mandate biofuel production. Billions of gallons of ethanol would be used every year without the RFS because ethanol is a cost-effective way to increase octane in fuels.

 Domestic Oil versus Ethanol Production (Thousands of Barrels)[7]

Creating Jobs

In the quote above, Buis argued that the RFS was important for creating jobs at home. It turns out that although the biofuels industry has undoubtedly expanded as a direct result of the RFS, many jobs have been also been created in the energy boom with domestic oil and natural gas production. For example in December 2005, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) the oil and gas industry employed 128,100 people, last May 2014 oil and gas employed 210,000 people and preliminary data shows that there will be continued growth.[8] Jobs in the oil and gas industry are also high paying jobs with a mean hourly wage of $43.95 per hour.[9]

Unfortunately, the BLS doesn’t collect data directly related to the biofuels industry, so it couldn’t be included in this post. The point is not that one industry has better jobs than the other, but to show that high-quality jobs being created at home in energy production, regardless of the RFS.

Are Biofuels Improving the Environment?

Buis also claims the RFS is necessary “mitigate climate change”.  It is not clear, however, if biofuels really reduce carbon dioxide emissions.  In fact, the United Nations Environmental Working Group concluded that lowering the RFS target would actually lower U.S. greenhouse gas emissions by 3 million tons of carbon dioxide.[10]

There are other environmental issues from biofuel production. Even an EPA report concluded that there are negative environmental impacts with biofuels, including land use issues and, fertilizer and other chemical issues. [11] In their report EPA admits that technological advances in advanced biofuels will be necessary for the goals of the program to be reached, “EISA [the law that created the RFS] goals can be achieved with minimal environmental impacts if existing conservation and best management practices are widely employed, concurrent with advances in technologies that facilitate the use of second-generation feedstocks.”[12] The RFS may meet the environmental goals it was created to achieve, but only if certain practices are followed. So far the program has not gone according to plan, which is why EPA has had to dramatically lower the numbers every year for cellulosic ethanol since 2010, and is revising the requirements for all the biofuels this year.

Conclusion

Closer examination of the facts and overall efficacy of the RFS program shows many proponents of increasing the size of the program are using a magnifying glass to tout the benefits without stepping back and looking at the program from a global view. Biofuels have contributed to our path to energy independence and created new jobs, but market-driven technological advances in oil and natural gas production have done much more to move the U.S. to achieve those goals. Finally the full implications of mandating biofuels on our environment are not yet clear and biofuels may even be doing more harm to the environment than good. Given the new energy outlook, nine-year history of the RFS program, and environmental uncertainties, the Obama administration should lower the mandates and tilt the scale of energy policy back toward the American consumer and not the ethanol lobbyists.

This post was authored by IER Policy Associate John Glennon.


[1] Erica Martinson, McCarthy: RFS numbers will go up, Politico Pro Whiteboard, 9/2/14, https://www.politicopro.com/login/.

[2] Energy Information Administration, Crude Oil Production, http://www.eia.gov/dnav/pet/pet_crd_crpdn_adc_mbblpd_m.htm

[3] Energy Information Administration, Annual Energy Outlook 2014, April 2014, http://www.eia.gov/forecasts/aeo/pdf/0383(2014).pdf

[5] Energy Information Administration, How dependent is the United States on foreign oil?, http://www.eia.gov/tools/faqs/faq.cfm?id=32&t=6

[6] Energy Information Administration, August 2014 Monthly Energy Review Table 3.3b Petroleum Trade: Imports and Exports by Type, http://www.eia.gov/totalenergy/data/annual/#petroleum

[10] Environmental Working Group, Ethanol’s Broken Promise, May 2014, http://www.ewg.org/research/ethanols-broken-promise

[11] Environmental Protection Agency, Biofuels and the Environment: First Triennial Report to Congress, December 2011, file:///Users/electron/Downloads/BIOFUELS_REPORT_TO_CONGRESS_FINAL_DEC_2011.PDF

[12] Ibid.

Americans Skeptical of Federal Energy Dictates

WASHINGTON – A new survey released today by the American Energy Alliance found that most American voters have serious reservations about the federal government’s involvement in their energy choices—specifically with regard to policies like the wind Production Tax Credit (PTC) and the EPA’s proposed power plant rule.

“The American people don’t have faith in the federal government to make their energy choices for them—and for good reason,” said AEA president Thomas Pyle.

“The federal government has been giving special treatment to green energy for decades, either directly through handouts like the wind PTC or indirectly through red tape like EPA’s proposed power plant rule. These types of policies have led to higher energy prices, eroding the states’ ability to make their own energy choices. The survey makes clear that Americans are growing weary of the blatant cronyism that runs rampant through our political system, and the failed federal policies that stifle innovation and increase the cost of the reliable energy we need to move America forward,” Pyle added.

“Voters are pretty skeptical of all facets of the wind production tax credit,” said Mike McKenna, president of MWR Strategies, which conducted the survey.

The survey indicates that the majority of voters are skeptical of preferential subsidies like the two-decades old wind PTC:

  • 81 percent of respondents do not think foreign companies should get tax breaks from the federal government.
  • 65 percent believe that 20 years’ worth of tax credits is long enough.
  • 77 percent do not trust Congress to hand out tax advantages in the most efficient and effective way.
  • 56 percent think that companies who are already turning a profit should not get tax breaks for using or producing that technology.

The survey also indicates that many Americans are skeptical of EPA’s proposed power plant rule:

  • 60 percent of respondents indicated it was a bad thing that the EPA’s proposed power plant rule would impose a mandate on citizens to buy certain amounts of renewable energy.
  • 52 percent said it was mostly a bad thing that EPA could punish States that did not comply.

Lastly, the survey indicates that there is skepticism among the American people about who should be driving innovation and who should be making public policy decisions:

  • 46 percent of respondents said that the most likely way to develop and improve alternative sources of energy was to rely on innovators developing new technologies; just 18 percent said that federal tax credits were the way to go.
  • 68 percent said that they did not trust the federal government to be responsible for the entire electrical system of the United States.
  • 65 percent said that States should be responsible for deciding how electricity gets generated and used.

MWR Strategies conducted the nationwide survey with a sample of 1005 likely voters and a margin of error of 3.1 percent.

Click here to see the full survey results.

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