Biden-Harris Admin Giving Out Billions In EV Subsidies

The Biden administration plans to award General Motors and Chrysler-parent Stellantis nearly $1.1 billion in grants to convert existing car manufacturing plants to build electric vehicles and components. The Department of Energy (DOE) announced $1.7 billion in planned grants to help fund the conversion of 11 “at risk” plants in eight states to enable the production of 1 million electric vehicles annually, help retain 15,000 existing jobs, and create 3,000 new positions. The plants are “at risk” because of EV transition policies being forced by Washington, D.C. The awards are for plants in Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, and Virginia — some of which are swing states in the November presidential election.

To support the EV effort further, President Joe Biden has prodded U.S. automakers to assemble a rising number of electric vehicles, introduced new tax incentives and funded EV charging stations. Biden federal regulators have also issued stricter emissions rules to boost EV sales. Despite these initiatives designed to increase demand, Americans’ interest in purchasing electric vehicles isn’t matching the Biden administration’s desires as the rate of growth of EV sales has fallen due to the high cost of electric vehicles and lack of charging stations, of which the federal government has only installed seven out of the 500,000 it promised. As a result, electric vehicles are piling up on dealer’s lots.

The White House is courting union workers in key battleground states and seeking to reassure autoworkers that its policies pushing electric vehicles will not cost jobs, despite requiring fewer workers to manufacture them and maintain them than gasoline and diesel vehicles. The Energy Secretary told reporters the awards were a “hallmark of the Biden administration’s industrial strategy” and would “modernize historical auto manufacturing facilities.”

The Biden administration’s grants include more than $650 million for two factories in Michigan. The plants in Michigan include General Motors’ Lansing Grand River Assembly, which is to be refurbished at an unspecified future date to allow production of new EV models and could receive up to $500 million, if it, like the other projects, hits marks for retooling, production and hiring or employee retention. The plan calls for retaining more than 650 UAW jobs at the facility and adding 50 new hires. GM will make its own unspecified investment to produce electric vehicles in Lansing at a future date but said the plant will continue to produce the Cadillac CT4 and CT5.

ZF North America Inc. was also awarded a grant of up to about $158 million to retool a portion of its plant in Marysville in St. Clair County to move from making axle drive component parts for internal combustion engine vehicles to components for electric vehicles. The grant calls for retaining 536 jobs, including 387 UAW employees.

The potential grants also include $335 million to help reopen and convert Stellantis’ idled Fiat Chrysler assembly plant in Belvidere, Illinois, to building electric vehicles, restoring some 1,450 union jobs. Another $250 million will go to convert Stellantis’ transmission plant in Kokomo, Indiana, to make electric drive modules, which combine the motor, transmission and other electronics in a single unit in battery-powered electric vehicles. The grant expects to retain 585 UAW jobs. In October, Stellantis agreed to build a new $3.2 billion battery plant and invest $1.5 billion in a new mid-size truck factory in Belvidere, Illinois under a new union contract.

Other plants in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Maryland and Virginia also received grants to help shore up supply chains and assembly of electric cars, trucks and buses. The funding was included in the Democrat-passed Inflation Reduction Act in 2022.

Hyundai Mobis, which operates a Stellantis supplier in Ohio, will receive $32 million to produce plug-in hybrid components and battery packs.

Other awards include $89 million for Harley-Davidson to expand its York, Pennsylvania plant for EV motorcycle manufacturing; $80 million for Blue Bird to convert a former Georgia plant to build electric school buses; and $75 million to engine company Cummins to convert part of an existing Indiana plant to make zero-emission components and electric powertrain systems. The DOE also plans $208 million for the Volvo Group to upgrade plants in Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania to increase EV production capacity.

The DOE must still complete negotiations with companies on milestones and other requirements and complete environmental reviews before the awards are finalized.  Given the current time it takes DOE to complete negotiations for awards, there is little chance these awards will be finalized and the money will go to these companies until after the next Presidential inauguration.

Conclusion

The Biden administration is handing out grants and other incentives to increase EV production in order to reach Biden’s goal of a 50 percent EV share of auto sales by 2030—part of the plan to keep his promise to the U.N. in support of the Paris Climate Accord. Biden’s Department of Energy has proposed grants of $1.7 billion to companies that will either manufacture electric vehicles or their component parts. This situation of free wheeling with taxpayer dollars is reminiscent of Solyndra and Fisker—companies that the Obama administration funded that failed in that administration’s endeavor to transform the energy market.  Rather than let markets work and consumers select the best technologies to meet their needs, the Biden administration is using regulations, grants, tax credits and other incentives to push manufacturers towards faster EV production and sales, despite the rate of growth in EV sales slowing.

Donald Trump has criticized Biden’s EV policies and vowed to reverse them if he takes office.  Trump vowed to “terminate” green vehicle mandates, warning that if they continued under Biden, “American auto production will be totally dead.” Currently, the U.S. auto industry cannot compete against electric vehicles made by Chinese manufacturers, who are making the cheapest electric vehicles on the market and gaining market share in Europe. Only U.S. trade policy is keeping those manufacturers from flooding U.S. vehicle markets.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

The Unregulated Podcast #191: Hey Joe, How Are You Doing?

On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna go over the fallout from the attempted assassination on Donald Trump, the events at the RNC, and what Trump’s choice of J.D. Vance for vice-president means for the future of American energy and politics.

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Biden And Harris Block Development In Alaska

On July 5, Biden’s Interior Department blocked 28 million acres of federal land (D-1 lands) in the state of Alaska from any mining or oil and gas development, which removes an area the size of the state of Pennsylvania from resource development. The Biden administration also blocked a 211-mile gravel road, the Ambler Access Road, that would have connected mining districts in west-central Alaska to a highway that runs through the middle of the state. The mines are rich in copper and cobalt needed for the green energy transition. In 2020, President Donald Trump had approved the permit to build the road, but after Joe Biden was elected President, Interior Secretary Deb Haaland ordered a new analysis, arguing that the Trump-era studies had been inadequate.

The Biden administration has targeted Alaska’s resource development opportunities 65 times, affecting the state’s energy and economic future. The Biden administration has kowtowed to environmentalists to gain favor at the ballot box. This time, it is placing 28 million acres off-limits to responsible development, which empowers China, Russia and other enemies of the United States, and has blocked a gravel road used to reach areas for mineral development needed for Biden’s green energy transition. The Biden Administration has done everything environmental groups have requested in Alaska, except for the decision to allow development of the Willow Project in NPR-A, making some wonder if the Willow decision was an artificial controversy to mask later anti-energy and mineral actions such as those taken recently.

D-1 Lands Removal

“D-1” lands are about 50 million acres of federally managed public lands found in pockets across the state from Bristol Bay to the Brooks Range, Copper River watershed, and northern Southeast Alaska. D-1 lands, overseen by the Bureau of Land Management (BLM), were withdrawn from mineral entry under the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) in 1971 to allow the Secretary of the Interior to determine whether those lands should remain withdrawn to protect the public interest. D-1 protections cover most of each BLM regional planning area, making them off-limit to extractive development.

Source: Audubon Alaska

In 1980, President Jimmy Carter signed the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA) into law, designating the largest swatch of protected areas in the United States.  Alaska now hosts 60 percent of the acreage in the National Park System, 88 percent of the acreage in the National Wildlife Refuge System, and the two largest National Forests.  The D-1 areas were left for later disposition, but most Alaskans believed they would become lands of multiple use, allowing them economic and recreational opportunities after the huge battle over ANILCA.  Until President Trump’s decision made in consultation with the State of Alaska, the lands remained in limbo.

The Trump administration, seeing the need for fossil fuel and mineral development, prepared, but did not finalize, five Public Land Orders to lift the D-1 protections for 28 million acres of BLM-managed lands within Bristol Bay, Bering Sea Western Interior, East Alaska, Kobuk Seward, and the Ring of Fire regions of Alaska for multiple uses. On August 16, 2022, however, Biden’s BLM initiated a process to prepare an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) to determine the impact of lifting the D-1 protections on fish and wildlife habitat, subsistence opportunities, and Alaska communities.  On December 15, 2023, the BLM opened a 60-day comment period seeking input from the public. In its final environmental impact statement concerning Alaska’s D-1 lands, the BLM selected the “no action” alternative, which will prevent all future oil, gas and mining activities on 28 million acres spread across Alaska.  This action follows Biden’s closure of ANWR despite lease sales mandated by federal law and his foreclosure of future energy development in the Indiana-sized National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska (NPR-A}.

Ambler Access Road Project

The Ambler Access Road project had bipartisan support from Alaska’s congressional delegation and was mandated to be permitted by Congress. In December, Republican Senators Dan Sullivan and Lisa Murkowski, along with the state’s Democratic Representative Mary Sattler Peltola, sent a letter to Haaland urging the analysis be conducted quickly and the road project re-approved. The Alaskan lawmakers argued that Alaska and the nation needed the jobs, revenues and minerals to which the road would allow access. Those minerals, the lawmakers explained, would also make America less dependent on foreign countries with poor records on human rights and environmental quality for oil and gas development. According to the delegation, Congress had mandated the road’s construction through the 1980 Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA), meaning that the Biden administration was overreaching its executive authority to deny the road’s right away.

China dominates global critical mineral supply chains, accounting for approximately 60 percent of world-wide production and 85 percent of processing capacity. Transitioning from fossil fuels, which is the goal of Biden’s climate mandates, would leave the U.S. dependent on China for energy, unless the U.S. develops its own mines and processing facilities. While there are some other sources of minerals in the world, such as the cobalt mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, human rights investigations have discovered widespread use of children in dangerous and toxic conditions. China also holds a heavy hand in the ownership of those mineral rich areas.

Ignoring guidance from Alaska’s Congressional delegation, in its formal record of decision, the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) picked the “no action” alternative, which prohibits construction of the road on public lands. The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority intends to pursue litigation against the decision.

Conclusion

The Biden administration is doing all it can to restrict new development of fossil fuel and mineral resources in the United States despite having a wealth of those resources here and particularly in Alaska. In doing so, the Biden administration is depriving Americans of their public wealth, increasing energy prices and spurring on inflation. It is also making the United States dependent on countries such as China, who has spent decades in placing itself as a forerunner in critical mineral development as it has little oil and gas resources to compete against the massive U.S. resource base.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

The Unregulated Podcast #190: Making Fetch Happen

On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna discuss the latest woes of Team Biden, America’s out of control spending, the fading EV fad, and commemorate the passing of the great James Inhofe.

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Biden’s Tik-Tok Inspired LNG Ban Blocked By Courts

A federal judge halted President Joe Biden’s temporary moratorium on new licenses for exports of US liquefied natural gas (LNG). U.S. District Judge James D. Cain Jr. in Louisiana issued a preliminary injunction in a lawsuit filed by 16 states, including Louisiana, Alaska, Texas, West Virginia and Wyoming, which argued Biden violated the U.S. Constitution and other federal laws by halting licenses in January to assess their impact on climate change. Under Biden’s direction, the Department of Energy stopped approving new licenses to export LNG to Asian nations and other countries that are not free trade partners with the United States, including Europe and Ukraine, while the department reviewed how the shipments affect climate change, the economy and national security. According to U.S. gas producers, the halt in licensing threatens to harm allies dependent on American energy supplies as well as billions of dollars in LNG export projects.

According to Judge Cain, the government’s decision to halt approvals appears to be “completely without reason or logic and is perhaps the epiphany of ideocracy,” adding that the states can pursue their legal challenge to Biden’s moratorium. Cain cited evidence submitted by the plaintiffs that showed loss of revenues and deferred investments in LNG projects due to the Biden administration’s actions. For example, some $61 billion in pending infrastructure construction in Louisiana is at risk from Biden’s pause. The case is Louisiana v. Biden, 24-cv-406, US District Court, Western District of Louisiana (Lake Charles).

Despite the court order, the short-term practical effects are likely to be minimal. Under federal law, the Department of Energy decides whether such LNG exports are in the public interest — and it can continue scrutinizing proposals for new export authorizations. Meanwhile, rival developers with existing licenses remain unaffected by Biden’s decision, and Biden’s LNG pause is a boon to foreign adversaries that produce energy, including Iran and Russia, as well as Qatar, which is expanding LNG production rapidly to corner world market share. Some key U.S. projects affected include:

  • Energy Transfer LP’s extension for a Louisiana project whose license expired before construction was completed.
  • Commonwealth LNG’s license request that has been under review since November 2022.
  • Venture Global LNG’s CP2 project, which has a major deal with Ukraine.

Already-licensed projects can move forward including expansions by NextDecade Corp., Cameron LNG, Freeport LNG, and Texas LNG, whose expansions depend on order books and financing. According to the DOE, current authorizations for exports of LNG to non-free trade agreement countries stand at over 48 billion cubic feet per day, or more than 45 percent of the current domestic production of natural gas. The agency also said the United States will continue to be the largest exporter of LNG for at least the next six years based on the current export capacity.

The judge’s ruling comes just days after the Federal Energy regulatory Commission (FERC) approved what would be the nation’s largest export terminal for liquefied natural gas. Venture Global’s Calcasieu Pass 2 southwestern Louisiana project, often referred to as CP2, was recently approved by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, but the project still needs DOE approval. According to DOE, the project’s application is pending.

The CP2 project has had several delays as FERC has requested more data for its environmental review, after anti-fossil energy groups began a campaign to stop them. Notably, the Biden administration invited a 25-year-old TikTok “influencer” involved in the campaign to the White House to share his policy “expertise” with the White House Climate Team and relevant decision makers before making a final decision.

Ukraine recently struck a major deal with Venture Global to help wean Eastern Europe off Russian natural gas as many EU countries still depend on Russian gas that is shipped through a pipeline that crosses Ukraine. Ukraine does not intend to renew a five-year transit agreement with Russia’s Gazprom that expires at the end of this year. Instead, Ukraine’s largest private energy company, DTEK, recently signed a deal with Venture Global. DTEK would buy LNG from Venture Global’s Plaquemines facility “to support near to medium term energy security needs for Ukraine and the broader Eastern European region.” Under the deal, DTEK will also be able to purchase up to two million metric tons of gas each year from the company’s CP2 facility, which is ensnared in the Administration’s moratorium on new LNG export projects.

Russia still accounts for about 15 percent of Europe’s gas supply. In May, Europe had to import more gas from Russia than the United States for the first time in nearly two years amid problems at a U.S. LNG facility, proving the need for more LNG capacity to support U.S. allies. If Europeans cannot get gas from the United States, they will have to rely on Russia. CP2 could supply about 5 percent of the world’s LNG by 2026. It already has contracts with Germany and Japan in addition to eastern Europe. Biden officials have told allies not to worry, and that the Administration’s permitting pause will not have an immediate impact on U.S. LNG exports. But Biden’s moratorium has caused enormous political uncertainty about the future supply of U.S. gas, which in turn damages investor confidence in projects and affects the jobs and lives of construction workers who would build them.

Conclusion

A U.S. District Judge has temporarily blocked the pause on LNG export licenses that the Biden administration put into effect in January due to a suit by 16 states that the pause violates the Constitution and other federal laws. The short-term impact is expected to be minimal due to the fact that Biden’s Energy Department will still be in charge of scrutinizing the applications for facilities. The pause affects U.S. European allies and their ability to sever their gas imports from Russia. Ukraine has a major deal with an LNG exporter that is affected by the pause. And, while DOE studies the Impact of  LNG on climate during Biden’s moratorium, other countries are building LNG facilities, signing deals and creating jobs in their countries.

supplier.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

Alaska Sues Biden Over War On American Energy

Two lawsuits have been recently filed against the Biden administration over lost leases on Alaska’s North Slope. A coalition of North Slope local and regional governments, tribal governments and Native corporations has sued the Biden administration in the U.S. District Court in Anchorage for prohibitive environmental protections President Biden placed on the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska (NPR-A). And, the state of Alaska has filed suit in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims to recover lost revenues from nine canceled federal oil and gas leases covering lands in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge’s (ANWR) Coastal Plain. Alaska’s state budget is heavily reliant on its oil production as are jobs of Alaskan residents.  Oil and gas jobs represent about one quarter of all jobs, and generate about half of the state’s economy, while providing as much as 90 percent of state unrestricted General Fund revenues. Virtually all of Alaska’s oil transits the 800-mile Trans-Alaska Pipeline System (TAPS) from state lands at Prudhoe Bay to a marine terminal in Valdez.

NPR-A Lawsuit

The NPR-A lawsuit, filed by the organization Voice of the Arctic Iñupiat, claims that the rule enacted by the Department of the Interior on April 19 should be invalidated because it resulted from a flawed process. The rule was enacted improperly because of several legal shortcomings, including the agency’s failure to conduct a full environmental impact statement, the diversion from four decades of NPR-A management that emphasized oil development and a lack of “meaningful” engagement with the people of the North Slope. The lawsuit claims the rule “turns vast swaths of the NPR-A into a de facto conservation system unit.” The new rule was proposed by the Bureau of Land Management last September and finalized in April. At 23 million acres, the National Petroleum Reserve is an area the size of the State of Indiana, established as a petroleum reserve in 1923.

The rule makes changes to the Integrated Activity Plan that was issued in 2013 by the Obama administration. That plan put about half of the reserve off-limits to leasing and identified five “special areas” as sites closed to development because of their ecological and cultural importance. The new rule codifies protections that are in the integrated activity plan, making them requirements rather than guidelines. It makes the protections for the five designated areas more permanent and contains provisions for possible future additions.

The members of Voice of the Arctic Iñupiat, a diverse group that includes the North Slope Borough government, Arctic Slope Regional Corp., the Iñupiat Community of the Arctic Slope and Ilisagvik College in Utqiagvik, have significant interests in continued oil development in the reserve. The members benefit from revenues and employment generated through the area’s oil development.

The new rule followed a Trump administration plan to replace the Obama-era integrated activity plan. That plan would have opened 82 percent of the reserve to oil leasing, including the areas in and around Teshekpuk Lake, the North Slope’s largest lake. The Trump plan, which was finalized in the final days of the Trump administration, was never enacted, and management continued under the 2013 Obama administration plan.

The petroleum reserve, located on the western side of the North Slope, holds large amounts of oil in a geologic formation called Nunashuk, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. Though development there occurred much later than that at Prudhoe Bay and other sites on state land, there have been some large discoveries within the reserve that are connected to the Nunashuk formation. The most prominent is Willow, currently under development by ConocoPhillips and expected to start production in 2029. Little exploration has occurred in the region but the area is known to have enormous potential for oil, gas and coal.

ANWR Lawsuit

The state of Alaska sued the Biden administration to recover lost revenues after it canceled oil and gas drilling leases in the federal Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR). The state in its lawsuit said the cancellation of the leases issued during the Trump administration cost the state hundreds of millions if not billions of dollars. Alaska lawmakers in 2017 secured the opportunity to develop the leases through a provision included in a tax cut bill that was signed by President Trump. In the final days of the Trump administration, it issued nine, 10-year leases for drilling in ANWR after a lease sale was held January 6, 2021. Two of the entities that won leases withdrew from their holdings in 2022, and Biden’s Department of Interior canceled the remaining seven leases last September, which had been issued to the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority. In October, the state agency filed a separate lawsuit which remains pending before a federal judge in Anchorage that argues the administration’s decision violates a clear Congressional mandate in the 2017 tax bill to open up ANWR to drilling.

The state in the most recent lawsuit focused on the financial impacts of the Biden administration’s actions on Alaska and sought to “compel the United States to face the logical and legal consequences of its policy decision.” Under the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, the state was entitled to a royalty of 8.335 percent of the revenues generated through production of oil and gas under the leases. The lease cancellations also deprived Alaska of expected revenue derived from corporate income taxes and local taxes stemming from the oil and gas construction activities, which would have produced billions of dollars in revenue that would benefit the education, health and well-being of residents of Alaska, whose state budgeting is heavily reliant on oil production. The case is the State of Alaska v. United States, U.S. Court of Federal Claims, No. 1:24-cv-01017.

Conclusion

Alaska and some of its residents are suing the Biden administration over lost opportunities for oil production on the state’s North slope which would provide billions of dollars for the state budget and jobs for Alaskan residents. The Biden administration cancelled ANWR leases that were provided as a provision in a tax cut bill signed by President Trump. The Biden administration also required the removal of areas of the NPR-A from further oil and gas development for environmental reasons that was originally issued as only guidelines under the Integrated Activity Plan of the Obama administration. The National Petroleum Reserve was established in 1912 as a backup source of oil for the federal government, originally for the Navy, as it was at one time referred to as the Naval Petroleum Reserve. The Biden administration actions regarding oil production in the ANWR and the NPR-A are costing Alaskans billion of lost dollars and numerous jobs.

ANWR lies to the east of Prudhoe Bay and TAPS while the NPRA lies to the west.  They both are federally owned, and have geological potential to contribute to the pipeline, which is currently running at less than ¼ of nameplate capacity.  If additional oil is added from these federal sources, it will extend the life of the line, while allowing Alaska full development and production of its resources, while supplying additional domestic production of energy. Green groups have long held that shutting off new sources of oil for the Alaska Pipeline would hasten its closure, while leaving billions of barrels of oil in the ground on- and offshore Alaska.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

EV Hype Fading As Biden Mandates All Electric Future

A recent survey by McKinsey & Co. found that almost half of American electric vehicle (EV) owners are considering going back to internal combustion engine cars, i.e. gasoline or diesel vehicles. Forty-six percent of survey respondents said they were likely to purchase a gas-powered vehicle for their next car purchase. The top three reasons behind the shift are the lack of charging infrastructure, high cost of ownership and the complexityof long-distance trips. Globally, 29 percent of EV owners are likely to switch back to internal combustion engine cars. The findings challenge the belief that once someone becomes an EV owner, they will stick to purchasing electric vehicles. Twenty-one percent of worldwide survey respondents stated they had no interest in purchasing an electric vehicle. The survey was distributed to 30,000 consumers across 15 countries.

Mainstream media sources have also admitted the failures of electric vehicles. “EV euphoria is dead,” CNBC wrote in a March report. The major car companies, such as Ford, GM, Mercedes-Benz, and others are scaling back or delaying their electric vehicle plans to give consumers greater choices. According to CBNC, an “all-electric future” is still in the works, but “at a much slower pace” than originally thought. Although consumer demand for electric vehicles has not shown up in the way executives had originally expected, sales of the vehicles are still predicted to increase in the years to come.

U.S. EV sales totaled a record 1.2 million vehicles last year, representing 7.6 percent of the overall national market. That share is projected by some forecasters to increase to between 30 percent and 39 percent by the end of the decade. A slowdown in the shift to electric vehicles was expected as early adopters satisfied their EV thirst and less tech-savvy buyers were slow to catch onto the trend, which will slow the EV market share growth over the next few years.  Costs are also a consideration for many customers, as insurance and repair costs are higher and home charging requires substantial outlays. The cost of a replacement battery could be as much as $20,000. According to J.D. Power, the cost of replacing a battery in the Tesla Model 3 is approximately $13,000, which is over 30 percent of the sedan’s starting price.

Source: CNBC

Last year, thousands of car dealership owners across the United States signed a letter to the Biden administration opposing his push for electric vehicles. More than 3,800 auto dealers wrote, “We are deeply committed to the customers we serve and the communities where we operate, which is why we are asking you to slow down your proposed regulations mandating battery electric vehicle (BEV) production and distribution.” “Last year, there was a lot of hope and hype about EVs. Early adopters formed an initial line and were ready to buy these vehicles as soon as we had them to sell. But that enthusiasm has stalled,” the letter added. “Today, the supply of unsold BEVs is surging, as they are not selling nearly as fast as they are arriving at our dealerships — even with deep price cuts, manufacturer incentives, and generous government incentives.” “With each passing day, it becomes more apparent that this attempted electric vehicle mandate is unrealistic based on current and forecasted customer demand. Already, electric vehicles are stacking up on our lots which is our best indicator of customer demand in the marketplace.”

The available inventory of electric vehicles in the United States, measured in days’ supply, has soared to 136 days, according to Cox Automotive. That compares to the overall U.S. industry at a 78 days’ supply of new vehicles. The data excludes Tesla, Rivian and other automakers that sell directly to consumers rather than through franchised dealers. The slower adoption of electric vehicles has led to price cuts or discounts on several models such as the Ford Mustang Mach-E, Tesla Model Y and the Nissan Ariya. According to Nissan, cuts of up to $6,000 will “improve the model’s competitiveness and ensure we are delivering maximum value to our customers.”

Source: CNBC

GM, which was the first traditional automaker to go all in on electric vehicles, plans to roll out plug-in hybrid electric vehicles for consumers alongside electric vehicles and gas cars. Others, such as Hyundai, Kia, Toyota and, potentially, Volkswagen, plan to offer different levels of electrification across their lineups. GM is losing money on every electric vehicle it sells, but the company says it is on track to generate mid-single-digit pretax profit margins in 2025 as it produces more higher margin electric vehicles, works out kinks in battery manufacturing, and sees battery cost reductions.

Ford has never stated plans to exclusively offer electric vehicles globally, but it set targets to be all-electric in Europe by 2030, for 50 percent of its sales in North America to be electric by that same year and to achieve an 8 percent EV profit margin by 2026. It has since backed off many of these targets and is producing hybrids — specifically trucks — along with electric vehicles and plug-in hybrid electric vehicles for the United States. Ford’s losses per electric vehicle topped $100,000 during the first quarter of this year, which was reportedly more than double the loss per electric vehicles last year. At issue is the high cost of production — including batteries, which remain one of the largest costs of electric vehicle manufacture.

Conclusion

There is disillusionment with owners of electric vehicles in the United States with almost half of those surveyed indicating they will purchase a gasoline vehicle on their next vehicle purchase rather than another electric vehicle. Reasons are lack of charging stations, high cost, and long-range trip planning issues. This has made traditional car companies change their production plans, at least in the near term, slowing the pace of EV production and investing in hybrids that consumers seem to prefer. Traditional car companies have profits from sales of internal combustion vehicles to cover their losses in EV production, but many companies solely manufacturing electric vehicles are going under as they have no way to cover their losses. Consumers are definitely in the drivers’ seat. Just because the government mandates electric vehicles should not mean that U.S. consumers should blindly accept those mandates, particularly as they are somewhat of a lifestyle change.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

Just The News: Critics of Biden’s energy policies say Harris’ climate agenda could turn out to be even worse

President Joe Biden campaigned for the 2020 election on a promise to end fossil fuels. During his time in the White House, Biden and the Democrats, according to the Institute for Energy Research, have taken more than 200 actions that made it more expensive and difficult to produce oil and gas in the U.S. 

“I think that she has the potential to be even more hostile to the oil and gas industry. At least as bad as the current administration, but I expect her to align herself more closely with the fringe elements of the left,” Tom Pyle, president of the American Energy Alliance, told Just the News


Read the full article at Just The News.

The Unregulated Podcast #189: The Hits Keep

On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna cover the fallout from Biden’s disastrous debate, SCOTUS correcting Chevron Deference, and more bombastic stories from a busy week in Washington.

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E&E News: Trump energy allies see ‘massive momentum’ after a big week

It’s been a huge week for former President Donald Trump’s allies in the energy and environment world.

Conservatives were already gleeful after Thursday’s presidential debate prompted heartburn among Democrats wondering whether President Joe Biden is fit for his reelection bid.

Then on Friday, the Trump-stacked Supreme Court obliterated the Chevron legal doctrine that’s long been reviled by conservatives. And a pair of high court rulings Monday on presidential immunity and on legal challenges to regulations handed more victories to Trump and his Republican and industry allies.

[…]

The day the ruling came down, Gunasekara said she got “all sorts of emails with extra exclamation points.”

“It’s a very big deal and it opens the gate for reconsideration of a lot of environmental decisions and rules and that — coupled with President Trump’s continued improvement in the polls — has people really excited with an opportunity to change the trajectory of the administrative state from administrative growth to being pared back and level set,” she said.

“It was a very good week,” said Tom Pyle, president of the Institute for Energy Research who served on Trump’s 2016 presidential transition team.

But while conservatives are “celebrating their wins” for the moment, “this isn’t the end — this is just the beginning,” Pyle said. “There’s a lot of work to do,” but “there’s potential for a paradigm shift and a restoration between the checks and balances of the three branches” of government.


Read the full article at E&E News.