On the final episode for summer 2021 Tom and Mike discuss Gavin Newsom’s looming recall election in California.
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Thanks for joining the AEA efforts to help combat rising energy prices. We don’t want to bug you that often, so let us know what energy issues interest you, and we’ll keep your inbox happy.
On the final episode for summer 2021 Tom and Mike discuss Gavin Newsom’s looming recall election in California.
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As the “war against coal” continues with Biden’s Paris climate commitment to decrease greenhouse gas emissions by 50 to 52 percent by 2030, skilled miners for his clean energy plan have become scarce. Biden’s clean energy program needs critical minerals, which are essential for technologies such as batteries and wind turbines. Mining and geological engineering employment is estimated to grow 4 percent between 2019 and 2029, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. But, as demand increases for these minerals, there are fewer skilled workers to fill job openings in the industry. Both the decline in coal mining jobs and the coronavirus pandemic have made mine workers reassess their careers—some moving to new professions, others retiring, and others being lured to places promising higher wages (e.g., Australia, Canada).
Critical minerals have become increasingly important in recent years because they are key components in high-tech personal devices, green technologies like solar panels and defense systems like jet fighter engines. The U.S. imports the majority of its critical minerals, and the United States has sought to boost domestic mining of these minerals. As in other jobs with labor shortages, employers are raising pay. But, it appears that the American public holds a negative perception of mining, thinking of old pictures of dirty coal miners working in dangerous conditions, making it difficult to attract skilled labor and students to be trained at universities. In fact, many of these jobs are highly skilled and require advanced technological capabilities.
There has been a steady decline in the number of mining and mineral engineering programs at U.S. colleges and universities from a high of 25 in 1982 to 14 in 2014 as well as a corresponding decline in U.S. faculty (~120 in 1984 to ~70 in 2014) and a shortage of qualified candidates to fill faculty vacancies. Federal funding of studies and research in mining has been drastically reduced. The former federal Bureau of Mines has been dissolved, removing all funding for mining schools under the Mining and Mineral Resource Institutes Act of 1984.
Jobs Needed for Mining Critical Minerals
Many of the most common jobs in the mining, quarrying, and oil and gas extraction sectors are physically demanding. Mineworkers must be able to operate heavy machinery and deal with explosives in both surface and underground mines. Engineers, metallurgists, and mine managers design and coordinate mine operations. The average salary of an underground mining machine operator and extraction worker is $56,000, and mining and geological engineers make around $90,000, according to May 2020 figures from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).
According to the BLS, about 20 percent of workers in the mining, oil, and gas sector are over 55. In 2015, 43 percent of surveyed professionals in oil, gas, and mining firms said the loss of talent due to an aging workforce would become a problem in the next six to 10 years—a percentage that would be much higher now, 6 years later.
Conclusion
Critical minerals are essential to the transition to renewable energy technology and Biden’s goal with respect to his net-zero carbon economy. Despite the relatively high wages of mineworkers, the industry is having a hard time attracting workers due to the labor intensity of the jobs, the reduction in employment that occurred in the “war on coal” followed by additional retirements and job changes when the COVID pandemic hit, the difficulty of attracting students to the profession, and the lack of university programs in the field and faculty to teach them. Quite simply, the U.S. government has given mining and miners an undeserved bad name, at the very time when the demand for minerals mining required for “green energy” is expected to skyrocket. President Biden is going to have a difficult time attracting workers and obtaining the needed critical minerals in his attempt to reach his net-zero economy and to meet his commitment to the Paris climate accord.
*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.
On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna go over everything that’s gone wrong with America’s withdraw from Afghanistan and what it means for the future of Joe Biden’s administration.
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On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna discuss the recent votes to advance Biden’s “infrastructure” package out of the Senate.
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At every turn, President Biden has instituted policies to hurt the North American oil and gas industry, resulting in decreasing U.S. energy independence earned during the Trump Administration and benefiting oil-producing countries. Russia, for example, has become the number two oil importer to the United States, second only to Canada. Biden has also canceled the Keystone XL pipeline while removing sanctions that the Trump Administration implemented so that Russia’s Nord Stream 2 pipeline could supply Germany with natural gas later this year without going through Ukraine. Through Biden’s actions, Russia will be able to increase its energy revenues and improve its economy.
Russian Heavy Oil Imports to U.S. Markets
U.S. imports of oil and refined petroleum products from Russia increased 23 percent in May to 844,000 barrels a day from the prior month, according to the Energy Information Administration. Mexico lost its number 2 ranking because its shipments to the United States increased by less than 3 percent. Russia has become a favored source for U.S. refiners largely because it produces semi-refined oils such as Mazut 100, which is a feedstock for American refineries that are accustomed to processing heavy crude from Venezuela and the Middle East—sources that have dried up due to sanctions on Venezuela and OPEC output limits.

Federal Customs Service records show that the United States is the single largest buyer of Russia’s heavy-oil products. U.S. refiners bought almost one-fifth of Russian heavy-oil exports during the first five months of this year. Most of the U.S.-bound Russian crude has docked along the West Coast to feed refineries like Phillips 66’s plant 100 miles north of Seattle and California refineries owned by Chevron Corp. and Valero Energy Corp. Refiners in Texas and Louisiana also have been buying Russian oil products. Recently, 1.5 million barrels from the Black and Baltic seas landed in the Gulf region. The quantity was substantial enough to cut prices at the Houston Ship Channel by 3 percent.
Canada remains the largest foreign oil supplier to the United States, accounting for about half of U.S. imports.
Keystone XL vs. Nord Stream 2
On his first day in office, President Joe Biden canceled a presidential permit for the construction of the Keystone XL pipeline from Canada to the United States. Mineral fuels are Canada’s largest export to the United States totaling over $89 billion in 2019 — two-thirds more important than auto vehicles and parts. Almost 3,000 direct jobs and another 14,000 indirect jobs were lost to Canada, as well as thousands of direct and indirect jobs in the United States, due to the cancellation of Keystone XL. Because of reduced pipeline capacity, Canadian heavy oil will sell at a discount, resulting in billions of dollars in lost GDP and federal and provincial tax revenues for Canada.
It is well-known that pipelines are the safest form of shipment for oil, which will still be produced in Canada and travel by rail—a less safe method, producing more emissions than pipelines. The cancelation of the Keystone XL also means that the United States will need to import more heavy oil from other countries, such as Russia. Instead of benefiting Russia, Keystone XL would have benefited the United States and our closest ally. Keystone XL would have not only supplied Gulf refineries with 830,000 barrels per day (730,000 Canada, 100,000 North Dakota Bakken) but also would have lifted prices paid to Canadian producers, encouraging new investments (and further pipelines) to tap Canada’s second-largest in the world proven reserves.
President Biden is treating a European pipeline, the Nord Stream 2, very differently than the Keystone XL. Nord Stream 2 is a natural gas pipeline from Russia to Germany, on whose construction the United States had placed sanctions. Despite bipartisan support for the sanctions on Russia against Nord Stream 2, President Biden weakened those sanctions, which will secure the pipeline’s completion. The Biden administration waived sanctions on the corporate entity (Nord Stream 2 AG) and its CEO (Putin friend and former East German intelligence officer Matthias Warnig) overseeing the construction of Russia’s Nord Stream 2 pipeline into Germany.
Germans want the less expensive natural gas coming from the Nord Stream 2 rather than the more expensive LNG. Countries like Poland are willing to pay a premium for LNG to avoid Russian gas, even if they are significantly less wealthy than Germany. While Nord Stream 2 will provide cheaper energy, it will deepen European dependence on Russian gas, forcing buying countries to be beholden to Putin for gas that is currently piped via Ukraine. In the past, Russia has cut off natural gas supplies to Ukraine as retribution in disputes. Bypassing Ukraine with a direct pipeline to Germany helps Russia advance its goal of isolating its former client state, now a struggling democracy, from Western Europe. It also equates to enormous sums of revenue for Russia.
Biden’s Other Anti-U.S. Oil and Gas Actions
President Biden released an executive order in January to halt drilling on non-tribal federal lands pending a review of the federal oil and gas leasing program. Biden also set a goal of protecting 30 percent of federal land and water from future drilling by 2030, which equates to 738 million acres of the total 2.46 billion acres owned by the public. He ordered federal agencies to eliminate fossil fuel subsidies “and identify new opportunities to spur innovation.” Removing the tax deductions that fossil fuel companies receive, which are not subsidies, will purportedly help pay for Mr. Biden’s climate change agenda.
Biden also put a moratorium on oil and gas leasing in Alaska’s Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, reversing Congressional action taken in 2017 to begin leasing in the area. Biden signed an executive order placing a temporary moratorium on oil and gas activity in the refuge on January 20, 2021, one day after the Trump administration issued nine oil and gas leases in its coastal plain. ANWR is estimated to contain 10.4 billion barrels of oil, according to U.S. Geological Survey, and could help the state’s revenues as oil production is the largest contributor to the state’s economy. Alaska’s oil production is now at its lowest level in 40 years, which threatens the operation of the Trans-Alaskan Pipeline System (TAPS) that transports crude oil from the North Slope of Alaska to Valdez on Alaska’s southern coast. TAPS at one time delivered 2 million barrels per day to the West Coast and is now transporting about 20 percent of its capacity.
Conclusion
President Biden appears to have a more positive view of OPEC and Russian energy enterprises than of North American energy enterprises. On August 11, Biden’s National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan wrote in an open statement, “Competitive energy markets will ensure reliable and stable energy supplies, and OPEC+ must do more to support the recovery.”
Biden’s treatment of Nord Stream 2 and his endorsement of OPEC+ production increases are very different from his treatment of the Keystone XL pipeline and of U.S. producers. Biden is treating a pipeline that increases Russian influence and revenues better than one that would enhance America’s energy security, jobs and revenues and that of its northern neighbor.
Russia is also benefiting from supplying U.S. refiners with heavy oil, becoming the second-largest supplier of oil and petroleum products to the United States, behind Canada. Russian feedstock is functioning as a substitute for the heavy oil that was once supplied by Venezuela or the Middle East and could be supplied by Canada. The United States should promote North American energy sources rather than depend on less reliable foreign imports, and particularly those from Russia.
*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.
The American Energy Alliance urges all Senators to support amendments 3104 and 3105 to S.Con.Res. 14.
The Biden administration’s oil and gas leasing ban on federal lands has already been ruled illegal. Leasing must be reinstated immediately according to existing law and long-standing practice.
The EPA, state regulators and independent researchers have repeatedly over the years studied the environmental effect of hydraulic fracturing. The clear conclusion from all these studies is that the process is not dangerous. It should be made clear that EPA has no jurisdiction to attempt a ban or limitation on this process.
The AEA urges all members to support free markets and affordable energy by voting YES on Amendments 3104 and 3105. AEA will include these votes in its American Energy Scorecard.
The American Energy Alliance urges all Senators to oppose cloture on the substitute amendment to H.R. 3684.
The substance of the amendment is poor policy and a bad use of taxpayer resources. The subsidies for electric vehicles and charging are not the responsibility of the federal government. The tens of billions of dollars for unneeded and impractical passenger rail will only fuel more wasteful white elephants to accompany California’s ongoing high-speed rail fiasco. The tens of billions of dollars more to mass transit systems whose ridership have collapsed is yet more waste. The tens of billions in subsidies for electricity transmission is simply not needed. The amendment also layers on billions in questionable spending in pursuit of central planning of energy.
But beyond the bad policy in the infrastructure proposal itself, the legislation is inextricably linked to the multi-trillion dollar inflationary budget that the administration hopes to see passed through reconciliation. While the contents of the reconciliation bill are still vague, the energy taxes and tariffs reported to be included would be a disaster for the American economy. Its provisions will drive up the cost of energy and goods throughout the country, turbo-charging already persistently high inflation and exacerbating the challenges posed by federal deficits. Because of the linkage of the two pieces of legislation, a vote for the bipartisan infrastructure bill makes passage of the inflation bill more likely. AEA therefore urges the Senate not to collude in raising energy prices for Americans.
The AEA urges all members to support free markets and affordable energy by voting NO on cloture substitute to H.R. 3684. AEA will include this vote in its American Energy Scorecard.
Climate change central planning is found throughout the 2,700-plus page infrastructure bill that President Biden is touting as bipartisan. The Senate bill uses central planning to re-engineer the electric grid and to eliminate carbon from the U.S. economy by offering large subsidies. There is $21.5 billion to create the Energy Department’s new Office of Clean Energy Demonstrations, which will provide for Secretary Granholm’s green-energy venture-capital fund. This funding should bring to mind the Obama Administration programs that funded with tax dollars companies that failed including Solyndra, A123 Systems, Fisker Automotive and other solar manufacturers. Granholm’s fund includes $2.4 billion for advanced nuclear reactor projects, $3.5 billion for carbon capture, $8 billion for “clean hydrogen” and $5 billion for projects that “demonstrate innovative approaches to transmission, storage, and distribution infrastructure to harden and enhance resilience and reliability.”
Ms. Granholm is also charged with creating a “smart” and “clean” grid that provides reliable electricity despite heavily federally subsidized, inherently intermittent renewable energy. The grid is the job of regional authorities, which coordinate wholesale markets with states and utilities—not the Feds. In addition to providing $9 billion for grid-balancing technologies, the bill “loans” the Department of Energy (DOE) $2.5 billion to enter “capacity contracts” with transmission developers that will backstop their projects if there is insufficient demand for renewable energy. The bill also allows DOE to designate “national interest electric transmission corridors” where there are constraints in delivering excess renewable energy to markets, which will allow the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission to overrule states on power lines and their placement.
Transportation Secretary Buttigieg would receive $7.5 billion to rollout a national electric-vehicle charging network. The bill instructs Buttigieg’s Department of Transportation to finance chargers that “meet current or anticipated market demands” and “would be unlikely to be completed without Federal assistance.” Some politicians believe that building more chargers in low-income areas will encourage additional electric vehicle sales, despite no data documenting their belief. Faster chargers in denser population areas may also require grid capacity to be upgraded and could strain power supply, as was demonstrated in California, where electric vehicle owners were asked during heat waves to not charge their vehicles in the evenings when the sun goes down.
The infrastructure bill is also riddled with corporate welfare. United Airlines is investing in flying electric taxis, which will be eligible for federal loan guarantees. Kenworth and Toyota are rolling out hydrogen-powered trucks to transport freight. Exxon Mobil may receive funds for its experimental green technology program.
Funding for Disasters
The bill contains tens of billions of tax dollars that would be allocated against natural occurrences such as floods, wildfires, and drought, under the premise that they are climate-related. The bill covers the development of new sources of drinking water in areas where there is drought and it even funds the relocation of entire communities away from places that may be deemed vulnerable.
The Army Corps of Engineers would get an additional $11.6 billion in construction funds for projects such as flood control and river dredging, which is more than four times the amount the Corps received last year for construction. The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA)’s annual budget for a program that buys or elevates homes at risk from floods would more than triple to $700 million. Some of that money is designated for homeowners in areas considered especially vulnerable because of socioeconomic factors, including areas that house racial minorities. FEMA would also get an extra $1 billion for a grant program that is supposed to protect communities against all types of disasters, and another $733 million to make dams safer.
The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration would get almost $100 million a year to help restore coastal habitats and protect coastal communities—five times what the program currently spends. The Bureau of Reclamation, which manages water supplies in the West, now gets $20 million a year for desalination projects, which remove minerals and salts from seawater to create freshwater, which would increase to $250 million over five years. It currently receives $65 million for water recycling that would increase to $1 billion for treating wastewater to make it available for new uses such as irrigation.
Other funding in the legislation would be directed toward new programs. The bill would give the Department of Agriculture $500 million for “wildfire defense grants to at-risk communities”—money that is supposed to help people make changes to their homes or landscape to make them less vulnerable to fire or other disasters. Other programs would not just fortify homes and facilities against disasters, but move them elsewhere.
The Department of Transportation would get almost $9 billion for a program to help states prepare highways for the effects of “climate change”—including relocating roads out of flood-prone areas. The Environmental Protection Agency would pay for communities to move drinking water pipelines and treatment facilities at risk from flooding or other extreme weather. Funding in the legislation would be available to move entire communities. The bill would provide $216 million to the Bureau of Indian Affairs for climate resilience and adaptation for tribal nations. More than half of that money, $130 million, would go toward “community relocation.”
Where is the Money Coming From?
Supporters of the bill indicate that the bill is “fully paid for.” But the bill’s text and analyses of it dispute that point. One source of funding for a multi-billion-dollar offset is to come from the improved recovery of fraudulent pandemic unemployment benefit payments, which some have estimated could total $400 billion or more. News accounts suggest as much as $50 billion in savings might be found by better recovery of those misspent funds, but there is no policy in the bill for obtaining it.
Another source is supposed to be $53 billion from “savings” from states ending federal pandemic unemployment benefits sooner than expected. That provision is linked to “findings” language buried in the massive bill, which are typically statements of opinion without legislative or legal effect. The supposed savings, however, have “already occurred”, according to the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB).
Congress passed three major laws creating and subsequently extending pandemic unemployment benefits: the March 2020 CARES Act, which the Congressional Budget Office projected would provide $268 billion in benefits; the December 2020 Consolidated Appropriations Act, which was expected to add another $119 billion; and the March 2021 American Rescue Plan, which was estimated to add another $205 billion. Taking $53 billion off the total results in $539 billion. The latest Department of Labor tally of actual spending on those federal benefits through July 31, 2021 shows almost $630 billion spent on these temporary federal programs with over a month to go on the program. That is almost $90 billion more in deficit spending than the Congressional Budget Office projected in its three estimates.
The missing policies indicate that less than half of the bill’s overall costs are offset, according to CRFB. Offsets are running around $250 billion, which compares to $540 billion in new spending in the legislation. In fact, the Congressional Budget Office reported on August 5, 2021, that the bipartisan infrastructure bill would add more than $250 billion to the federal deficit over the next decade, confirming the above analyses that the massive legislation would not fully pay for itself.
Conclusion
Supposedly the Senate already has the votes to pass the bill and may even have 10 more than the 60 votes needed. From funding new endeavors like the ones that have failed under the Obama Administration—to funding relocations from areas that have for centuries had the risk of wildfires, drought and floods—the bill is using tax dollars to fund corporate welfare and, in some cases, the rich under the guise of benefitting racial minorities. The money for the bill is supposed to be offset from other programs, but the analyses above show that not to be true.
The expansive nature of the bill can be seen from a provision that would require auto manufacturers to equip “advanced alcohol monitoring systems” in all new cars. The section titled, “ADVANCED IMPAIRED DRIVING TECHNOLOGY,” mandates new vehicles include “a system that … passively and accurately detect[s] whether the blood alcohol concentration of a driver of a motor vehicle is equal to or greater than the blood alcohol concentration” of .08, in which case the system would “prevent or limit motor vehicle operation.” Automobile manufacturers would have a three-year grace period to comply with the regulation.
Instead of an infrastructure bill, the product represents the old Washington, D.C., approach of distributing pork sufficient to buy votes of enough Senators to enable its passage. With a Budget Reconciliation Package estimated at more than $3.5 trillion waiting in the wings and expected to follow the trail blazed by this bill, Americans are paying for a very expensive fundamental transformation of the country, including the reliability and availability of our basic energy necessary for life.
*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.
After many months of discussion, we now have the text of a bipartisan infrastructure bill which some senators hope to rush through the Senate in just a week. The Democratic Party’s go-it-alone additional spending bill (beyond the regular budget), which they want to pass through reconciliation, is still undrafted, but Speaker Pelosi continues to promise it must pass side by side with the infrastructure bill. While the administration’s preposterous attempt to define every progressive spending priority as “infrastructure” was correctly laughed at, the infrastructure package that we have is still a bad deal. Even worse, by giving some bipartisan cover to some of the administration’s spending, a bipartisan infrastructure deal makes the passage of a blowout multi-trillion-dollar left-wing reconciliation package more likely.
Infrastructure Package
The proposed bill weighs in at a bloated 2,700 pages. While more focused on actual infrastructure than the Biden administration’s proposal from earlier this year, the package is still a wasteful and unnecessary $1 trilion. Perhaps most ridiculous is the $7.5 billion in subsidies for electric vehicle charging facilities. Why exactly federal taxpayers should be paying for this, rather than EV owners themselves, is not explained.
The package also includes tens of billions of dollars for passenger rail and mass transit. While at least meeting the definition of physical infrastructure, these subsidies for unused services should be cut off. Passenger rail simply does not make sense in a country as large and spread out as the U.S. The California high-speed rail fiasco of the last decade should have put to rest the passenger rail fantasy, but this package looks to shovel even more good money after bad.
Mass transit ridership cratered during the pandemic and has not recovered, and it may never recover.It is not smart to spend tens of billions more on something no one wants to use. Even if ridership recovers at some point, why should federal taxpayers be subsidizing the mass transit systems of large, wealthy cities? New York and Washington, DC should pay for their own excessively expensive systems.
The package also seeks to spend tens of billions of dollars subsidizing electricity transmission build-out. Stripped of context, this might sound like a reasonable idea, why not have “more resilient” transmission? But the context is that we already have a grid that is robust and well-suited for reliable, baseload electricity generation (which comes from nuclear, hydro, natural gas or coal). What the grid struggles to handle is the wild swings of generation from unreliable renewables like wind and solar. These sources are at the heart of the grid issues we have seen recently in California and Texas.
The only reason there is any need to build long-distance transmission is because of federal and state subsidies and mandates forcing unreliable wind and solar into the electricity system. Taxpayers are being told to pony up tens of billions of dollars in this infrastructure package (which is only a down payment, far more will be needed) in order to “solve” the transmission problems created by government in the first place.
The legislation also mixes in various subsidies and handouts for special interests. Six billion dollars in subsidies for nuclear power plants, subsidies for carbon capture projects, $25 billion to upgrades to benefit the airlines, $6 billion to figure out how to recycle EV batteries, and many more billions of taxpayers’ dollars are sprinkled around to everyone with a good lobbyist.
The Reconciliation Package
While the bipartisan infrastructure package contains plenty of bad policy on its own, the deal continues to be made even worse by the context of the reconciliation package that both President Biden and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi continue to insist must pass with the infrastructure bill. The reconciliation bill, while its contents are still vague, is shaping up to be a disaster for the American economy. Its provisions will drive up the cost of energy and goods throughout the country, turbo-charging already high and growing inflation and exacerbating the challenges posed by monstrous federal deficits.
According to reporting, the reconciliation bill is set to contain a Civilian Climate Corps, a “clean electricity” mandate, subsidies for electric vehicles and renewable electricity, a tax on methane (natural gas) emissions, subsidies for weatherization, and most damagingly a border carbon tax. Most of these energy-related inclusions are designed to do one thing: increase the cost of energy.
A “clean electricity” mandate, however, defined, will increase the cost of electricity. A tax on methane emissions will increase the cost of natural gas and thus everything that natural gas is used for, like home heating. A border carbon tax would increase the cost of every good coming into the country. This tax would fall on food, clothing, construction materials like steel and wood, cars, electronics, anything and everything imported. All of these taxes would be paid by consumers, and would damage the poor, those on fixed incomes, and local institutions like schools and hospitals the most.
The Senate Should Just Say No
Even those components of the reconciliation package that don’t directly raise energy costs are expensive or harmful as a policy matter. There is a reason that the administration is trying to jam all these provisions through in a reconciliation package. The contents are harmful and unpopular, catering to the left-wing of the Democratic Party, not to America as a whole. These extreme policies cannot pass Congress through the regular legislative process or as stand-alone legislation, so the administration is playing this two-track game: a bipartisan infrastructure package for political cover, paired with a blowout $3.5 trillion collection of damaging left-wing policy.
Make no mistake: passing the infrastructure package makes the reconciliation package more likely to succeed. The Senate should not go along with this farce. The votes cannot be separated as a practical matter; a vote for the infrastructure package is as good as a vote for the reconciliation package, and all the energy taxes and inflation that come with it.
On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast, Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna continue their discussions on election issues and the bipartisan bill on “infrastructure” issues.
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