The Oregonian is Mad as Hell and Won’t Take it Any More

Channeling their inner Howard Beale, The Oregonian’s editors are mad as Hell with the governor and they aren’t going to take his tax schemes any more. Last week, the editorial board slammed Gov. John Kitzhaber’s plan to raise gasoline costs on Oregon families, which the editors panned as a “global-warming gas tax.”

The editorial begins by admonishing gas-tax advocates for deceiving Oregonians:

Gov. John Kitzhaber and other proponents of a low-carbon fuel standard, we wrote last month, habitually mislead Oregonians about the program’s pocketbook impact. Full implementation of the complicated mandate, they like to say, could save businesses and individuals up to $1.6 billion in fuel over about 10 years. What they don’t say is that the study from which they cherry-picked this number assumes that Oregonians will realize these “savings” by spending an extra $1.6 billion on electric cars and plug-in hybrids. In other words, they’ll save bubkes. [Emphasis mine]

Far from saving money for Oregon families, the low-carbon fuel standard would likely make gasoline more expensive. As the editors point out, Oregon’s Department of Environmental Quality projected that the scheme would increase pump prices by as much as 19 cents per gallon. When asked, 56 percent of Oregonians opposed the plan if it would raise their fuel costs.

Even if Gov. Kitzhaber gets his “global-warming gas tax,” it will do little to combat global warming. As the editors explain:

Oregon, which accounts for about 1.2 percent of the nation’s population, was responsible for less than seven tenths of 1 percent of the nation’s carbon dioxide in 2011, the most recent year for which the U.S. Energy Information Administration has released state-level data. In the global-warming universe, Oregon is a rounding error, and most people reasonably conclude that 19 cents a gallon is a high price to pay merely to burnish the state’s brand. [Emphasis mine]

Oregon’s proposal is modeled on California’s low-carbon fuel standard. The Golden State requires fuel providers to reduce the carbon intensity of gasoline and diesel fuel by 10 percent in 2020. A lot of factors contribute to the price that motorists pay at the pump, but it’s no coincidence that California’s gas prices are the second highest among the lower-48 states.

A low-carbon fuel standard is a lose-lose for Oregon families: it raises fuel costs and does nothing to combat global warming. Kudos to The Oregonian for calling out the governor and looking out for its readers.

KiOR Biofuels: Take the Money and Run

Here’s a story about a billionaire investor and a bankrupt biofuel company with nothing better to do than bilk Mississippi taxpayers. From the Associated Press (via Fuel Fix):

It’s the latest turn in what’s becoming a nasty legal fight between Mississippi and KiOR, which state leaders once hailed as an economic boon for the state. [Mississippi Development Authority] at first cooperated with KiOR’s attempts to reorganize in hopes of maximizing how much money the state could collect from the sale of KiOR’s defunct Columbus refinery. But MDA and KiOR have become increasingly confrontational after the company filed for bankruptcy. MDA is deposing Khosla and others, and KiOR says it and others have turned over hundreds of thousands of pages of documents to MDA lawyers.

KiOR is backed by noted Obama donor Vinod Khosla. His investment in KiOR’s Columbus, Mississippi biofuel facility just hasn’t paid off, leaving taxpayers on the hook. Back in 2013 KiOR touted it’s first shipment of biofuels after three years of outright failure to produce fuel in any meaningful quantity. KiOR’s struggles continued as the company “missed” a $1.8 million loan payment, forcing it to pay $312 million immediately, all while producing almost no product. Finally, last year the company declared bankruptcy a mere seven years after its launch.

Biofuels

Biofuel production of cellulosic biofuel industry

After KiOR declared bankruptcy, the MDA came to its senses and is now aggressively pursuing the taxpayer money it loaned the failed biofuel company. The Associated Press continues:

MDA, though, says KiOR’s attempts to refine biofuels are a failure with no immediate prospects of commercial production. The state says KiOR has no real business prospects and that the court should pull the plug.

The state says KiOR’s Mississippi subsidiary, which hasn’t declared bankruptcy, owes it $79 million. But because MDA doesn’t have a mortgage on the assets of the parent company, it could get no money back in the bankruptcy.

KiOR says it won’t pay up as a result of “MDA’s hyper-aggressive litigation scheme.”

KiOR was once touted as the future of the transportation fuels industry. Now the company is bankrupt and has “no immediate prospects of commercial production.” Hopefully the MDA will recover at least some of the taxpayer money it gave away.

The Bear is Loose

Bear Loose 600 AEA

Energy Freeze Continues on Federal Lands

The U.S. Bureau of Land Management (BLM) is out with new data on oil and gas leasing on federal lands—and it isn’t pretty. BLM issued fewer new leases in fiscal year 2014 than in any year since 1988 (though they leased slightly more acres than in 2013).

The following chart shows how new BLM oil and gas leases dropped to 1,157 in FY 2014, a 26-year low that continues a long-term trend of depressed energy development on federal lands.

BLM O and G Leases

As we have pointed out for years, BLM keeps most of the country’s federal lands off-limits to energy development. The agency also takes an inordinate amount of time to approve new leases: BLM takes more than 227 days, on average, to approve drilling permits, compared to less than a month for states like Texas and North Dakota—where, unsurprisingly, production is booming.

As drilling permits languish in regulatory morass, production on federal lands is stagnant or declining. Oil output on federal lands grew by just 1 percent in FY 2013, while natural gas production dropped by 10 percent.

The energy freeze on federal lands comes as America is in the midst of a remarkable domestic energy boom on state and private lands. Oil production has surged to 25-year highs, making the U.S. the largest combined oil and gas producer in the world. But those production gains are occurring only on lands in which the federal government isn’t responsible for leasing.

The Obama administration has mostly avoided imposing new burdens on oil and gas development on state and private lands, but that could soon change. BLM is preparing first-ever federal regulations for hydraulic fracturing and EPA is gearing up to issue methane regulations for natural gas production. The continued success of the U.S. energy boom depends on keeping Washington bureaucrats out of energy development on state and private lands.

AEA Launches Congressional Energy Scorecard

WASHINGTON DC – Today, the American Energy Alliance (AEA) announced the launch of a major education and accountability initiative, the American Energy Scorecard. With energy at the top of the agenda for the 114th Congress, AEA is unveiling the nation’s first and only free-market congressional energy accountability scorecard.

The American Energy Scorecard educates lawmakers about the most important energy votes of the year and empowers the American people to hold their elected officials accountable for the decisions they make in Washington with respect to energy policy. The scorecard is guided by a core set of principles, which include promoting affordable, abundant, and reliable energy; expanding economic opportunity and prosperity; and reducing the scope of government intervention in energy markets.

Click here to learn more about the American Energy Scorecard.

This scorecard represents another major expansion of AEA’s energy advocacy and lawmaker accountability efforts. Since our inception, AEA has played an increasingly active role promoting free-market energy policies. Most recently, in 2014, AEA conducted energy accountability initiatives in several states including Colorado, West Virginia, Iowa, Alaska, and North Carolina. With a new Congress underway and another presidential elections fast approaching, the American Energy Scorecard will be integral to AEA’s increasingly influential role in free market energy advocacy and lawmaker accountability.

“A congressional scorecard devoted to free-market energy policies is long overdue,” said American Energy Alliance President Thomas Pyle. “For far too long, left-wing environmental groups have been the only ones in the arena. That’s about to change. The American Energy Scorecard educates lawmakers on pro-growth energy policies and empowers Americans to hold their elected leaders accountable for their votes, not their rhetoric.”

Throughout the year, we will notify lawmakers with “Key Energy Vote” alerts that explain how certain bills or amendments promote or hinder energy prosperity. We will soon unveil a searchable database that allows the public, the media, and policymakers to track how elected officials are voting on critical energy matters.

AEA’s first “Key Energy Vote” is the House vote on H.R. 3 to approve the Keystone XL pipeline. We urge lawmakers to vote “yes” on this bill. Click here to see AEA’s “Key Energy Vote” alert for H.R. 3.

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Taxing Carbon Won’t Help the Economy

Institute for Energy Research senior economist Dr. Robert Murphy published a piece today on National Review Online that debunks the conservative case for a carbon tax. The op-ed is a response to a piece written by Dr. Irwin Stelzer in which he calls on conservatives to support a carbon tax. Here’s an excerpt from Dr. Murphy’s piece:

In his December 29 piece for National Review Online, Irwin Stelzer tries to convince conservatives that they should support a carbon tax because — coupled with cuts in payroll taxes — it would boost the economy. Stelzer thinks conservatives can put aside their differences with Al Gore and other extreme environmentalists: A carbon tax, the title of the piece asserts, offers “something for everyone.”

However, this is not what the peer-reviewed economics literature says. There are several reasons that a carbon tax will not deliver the boost to the economy that Stelzer and a few other conservative icons have been promising, even if it’s 100 percent revenue neutral. Some of these reasons are straightforward, while others are quite subtle.

Read the full article at National Review Online.

 

WaPo Editors Offer Cuomo a Dose of Reality on NY Fracking Ban

When you’re an environmentalist and you’ve lost The Washington Post editorial board, it might be time for soul searching. Last week, the same editors who support EPA’s carbon dioxide rules and routinely call for a carbon tax came out against New York Governor Andrew Cuomo’s decision to ban hydraulic fracturing in the Empire State, dubbing it “ignoble” and “the wrong approach.”

As the editors explain:

State regulators admit they have no proof that fracking has been responsible for many of the harms that motivated them to ban the practice. Fracking done badly is the real concern. Strong rules can and should limit the risks. New York’s outright ban is justified only by extreme caution.

Meanwhile, natural gas produces far more of New York’s electricity than any other source. The gas that runs the state comes from domestic drilling sites, including from fracked wells in next-door Pennsylvania. In other words, whether New Yorkers want it to be so or not, the state is implicated in the fracking business. The benefits of burning the fuel are just too attractive. Tapping massive U.S. natural gas supplies has pushed down prices. Cheap natural gas lowers energy bills. And, compared with the range of serious health and environmental harms that come from burning coal, natural gas’s most immediate substitute, a sensible environmentalist would choose fracked gas any day.

Natural gas isn’t just New York’s largest source of electricity—it represents the state’s largest source of total energy consumption (including gasoline). New Yorkers could meet more of their energy needs through domestic natural gas production, but that requires hydraulic fracturing. Instead, they import most of their natural gas from states like Pennsylvania, where hydraulic fracturing in the Marcellus shale has brought jobs, prosperity, and lower energy bills—New York’s electric bills are 36 percent higher than neighboring Pennsylvania’s.

The defeatist attitude of environmentalists who oppose all hydraulic fracturing belies the ingenuity of the American people. No energy source is without risk. But risks can be managed and technical challenges can be overcome. Hyping potential risks—in the absence of actual harm—may help activists make noise and raise money, but it is no excuse to ban responsible energy development.

AEA energy analyst Alex Fitzsimmons authored this post.

Inslee’s Cap and Trade: All Economic Pain, No Environmental Gain

Governor Jay Inslee has proposed a cap-and-trade program for Washington State that would function much like a carbon tax—except with less accountability. Even on its own terms, suppressing emissions at the state level makes no cost/benefit sense. As the Governor’s own analysis indicates, this is a move to plug a budget deficit. Finally, Washington State residents shouldn’t fall for his rhetoric when downplaying the significant impact they will see in energy prices.

Inslee’s Plan

As the official website explains:

Inslee’s proposed Carbon Pollution Accountability Act requires, for the first time, major polluters to pay for their carbon pollution. It creates a program to cut emissions to make Washington healthier and incentivize Washington’s innovative businesses to meet the needs of the growing clean energy economy.

Through this act, Washington will set an annual limit on the total amount of carbon pollution that emitters may release into the air. Major emitters will need to purchase “allowances” for the pollution they emit. Each year, the number of available allowances will decline to ensure emissions are gradually reduced. This provides emitters the time to adjust and make choices about how to manage their business. They can either invest in cleaner technology and improve their operation efficiency or pay for allowances that will diminish in supply and increase in cost over time.

The program will generate about $1 billion annually which will be used for transportation, education and disadvantaged communities.

As I explained in a previous post, environmental groups are licking their lips over the revenue that would flow into Washington State from a carbon tax (or, in Inslee’s case, a cap-and-trade program).

I suppose it should be refreshing that Washington residents are not being sold a bait-and-switch, where political officials assure them the carbon revenues will be used to offset existing taxes. No, by design this is going to be (largely) used to plug Washington State’s budget hole. Note that Washington is currently in the throes of a legal challenge because its legislature has failed to live up to constitutionally required funding of education.

State-Level Carbon Programs Make No Cost/Benefit Sense

It is well known in policy wonk circles that if, say, the United States and Europe enacted a carbon tax or cap-and-trade program without participation by China and India, then the effort would be largely symbolic—even using the suite of climate models featured in IPCC reports or the Obama Administration’s task force on the “social cost of carbon.” On its own terms, global climate change is a global problem. Even if we concede for the sake of argument that government limits of carbon dioxide emissions are a sensible way to tackle the issue—which I don’t—then it would be vitally important to get all major governments around the world to agree to binding and verifiable targets. Otherwise the jurisdictions with the carbon penalty would hurt their own economies while the unregulated jurisdictions emitted even more as business relocated.

Now if imposing unilateral carbon programs on a national level doesn’t make sense, it is particularly ludicrous to do it at the level of an American state. The hike in fuel prices—which Inslee’s own advisors estimate would be “7 to 15 percent in 2035,” a figure that industry groups think is optimistic—would discourage new businesses from locating in Washington State over the coming years, and would also push some marginal businesses already there over the edge into bankruptcy. Moreover, the drop in global emissions coming from a reduction in emissions from Washington State over the coming decades would be a rounding error. How big of a rounding error? If Washington State completely ceased emitting carbon dioxide today, the temperature “savings” by 2100 would be 0.0023 °C. Yes that’s right—2 thousandths of a degree by 2100. And because Inslee’s plan doesn’t lead to a total cessation of co2 emissions, its temperature savings will be even smaller.

Furthermore, Inslee’s proposal compounds the economic waste involved by earmarking a portion of the revenues to funding “green” projects. Even on its own terms, the textbook case for a carbon tax or cap-and-trade program is to correct a “negative externality” in market prices. But once that alleged “market failure” is addressed through a properly calibrated penalty on emissions, the textbook treatment says the government should allow the market to function. There shouldn’t be picking of winners and losers on top of the penalty. There is no reason to suppose that the political officials running Washington State can make better forecasts about future energy technologies than investors in the private sector.

Inslee Having It Both Ways on Economic Pain

Perhaps the most duplicitous aspect of Inslee’s proposal is his attempt to have it both ways. On the one hand, he says the measure—or something like it—will gain bipartisan support because the legislature knows that they could really use an extra billion dollars a year to shore up their finances.

Yet when pressed about how his constituents will deal with the rising energy prices that his proposal would obviously entail, this is how Inslee responded, according to a ClimateWire story (subscription required):

While acknowledging that some of the plan’s costs might be passed on to consumers, Inslee said that one aim of the program was to shift the state and its residents to a less carbon-intensive economy.

“It’s impossible for [companies] to pass along the cost of carbon when consumers aren’t using any,” he said.

This is an unbelievably flip response from someone who openly admits his proposal will raise almost a billion dollars in its first year alone. By the same token, if Inslee pushed through a 200% tax on beef sellers, it would be impossible for that to be passed on to consumers if they stopped eating meat. That would hardly be consolation for the hapless Washington residents.

Conclusion

Governor Jay Inslee’s proposed cap-and-trade scheme showcases everything wrong with the program of government carbon mitigation. Far from being calibrated to an optimal cost/benefit correction to a “negative externality,” it is openly a revenue sop. Even on the terms of the climate change debate laid out by proponents of such measures, a state-level initiative makes no sense. Inslee’s own team admits the proposal will drive up fuel costs, and his glib reply is that people in Washington can always stop using carbon.

Another Failing Grade for Obama’s Climate Agenda  

As we previously noted, President Obama’s former law professor and campaign donor Laurence Tribe submitted a public comment slamming the Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) climate rule as an unconstitutional “executive overreach.” Now Professor Tribe has penned an opinion piece for The Wall Street Journal that really drives home the point.

Tribe, who once called Obama “the best student I ever had,” writes:

Even more fundamentally, the EPA, like every administrative agency, is constitutionally forbidden to exercise powers Congress never delegated to it in the first place. The brute fact is that the Obama administration failed to get climate legislation through Congress. Yet the EPA is acting as though it has the legislative authority anyway to re-engineer the nation’s electric generating system and power grid. It does not.

Professor Tribe has no ax to grind against Obama or the EPA. In fact, Tribe points out that he has “supported countless environmental causes” and that “coping with climate change is a vital end.” And though his comment was co-authored by Peabody Energy, a major coal producer that is rightfully concerned about EPA’s power plant rule, Tribe stresses that his comments “reflect my professional conclusions as an independent legal scholar.”

EPA’s rule is not only legally dubious, but it does nothing to “address the risks of climate change”, which EPA claims is the purpose of the rule. Using the UN’s own climate models, the rule would reduce global carbon dioxide emissions by just 1.5 percent by 2050, according to the Cato Institute.

Indeed, as Tribe explains, EPA’s “lawless” proposal is more about forcing Americans to use more expensive and less reliable green energy sources than about solving climate change. Contradicting the stated goals of the proposed rule, EPA Administrator Gina McCarthy testified before Congress that the plan “is not about pollution control” but “an investment strategy” to hock renewables like wind and solar.

Even if you support EPA’s climate agenda, you should question the agency’s overreach. As Tribe puts it, Japanese internment after Pearl Harbor may have seemed necessary at the time, but with the benefit of hindsight it “looks more like an overreaction.” President Obama would do well to heed his professor’s lesson.

Getting Schooled

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