Trump’s 2021 Budget Prioritizes America’s Energy & Environmental Needs

WASHINGTON DC (February 10, 2020) – Thomas Pyle, President of the American Energy Alliance, issued the following statement in response to President Trump’s 2021 proposed budget:

“President Trump continues to make good on his promises to the American people with his latest budget proposal.”

“The president recognizes that the key to a vibrant economy is affordable and reliable American made energy. He also understands that the government should not be in the business of picking winners and losers in the economy. His proposed 2021 budget reflects those key principles, which is why the American Energy Alliance is happy to support it.”

“There’s a difference between need and want. We need clean air and water and thanks to the technology-driven American energy revolution, we are enjoying it. While some want to point to subsidies or mandates as the catalyst to innovation, it is people, not government, that has led to our energy transformation and the environmental success we see before us.”

“Unfortunately, the fate of the President’s proposed changes rest in the hands of Congress which historically has bowed to environmental interests and pet projects resulting in expanding an already bloated budget that quite frankly needs a little air taken out of it.”


Noteworthy Changes in the 2021 Proposed Budget:

  • Reiterates support for leasing in the Congressionally designated drilling area within the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.
  • Increases funding for the federal offshore and onshore oil and gas leasing program at the Department of Interior.
  • Proposes to reduce programs outside the core mission of the Environmental Protection Agency
  • Reduces the excessive renewables subsidies from the Department of Energy through Office of Energy Efficiency & Renewable Energy
  • Elimination of the federal $7,500 electric vehicle tax credit

For media inquiries please contact:
[email protected]

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AEA Praises Trump’s SOTU Speech and America’s Energy Comeback

White House must urge Congress to fix our broken, abused, misused and outdated environmental laws.


WASHINGTON DC (February 4, 2020) – Thomas Pyle, President of the American Energy Alliance, issued the following statement in response to President Trump’s third State of the Union address:

“In terms of great comebacks, it’s impossible to overlook the American energy story. From reliance on unstable foreign regimes, and a President who said ‘we can’t just drill our way to lower gas prices,’ to becoming the number one producer of natural gas and oil in the world, we now have a President who has kept his promise to end the war on affordable and reliable energy.”

“Even coal exports are on the rise, which means America is in the driver’s seat in terms of the global political landscape. By reducing unnecessary red tape and embracing our homegrown energy production, President Trump deserves recognition for this success. The American energy renaissance is truly a comeback story and one that carries huge benefits for working class Americans.”

“But this comeback story is far from over. In order to achieve true energy dominance and unlock our nation’s full potential, President Trump must have the courage to do what Congress has failed to do for decades. In the next year and beyond, President Trump must provide Congress with a blueprint to fix our broken, abused, misused and outdated environmental laws. Whether it’s prioritizing efficiencies at EPA, improving the leasing process on federal lands, or modernizing bedrock laws like the Endangered Species Act, the Clean Air Act, and the Clean Water Act, we know that President Trump is bold enough to stand up to the Green New Deal Democrats and the perennial prophets of doom on the left.”


Additional Resources:


For media inquiries please contact:
[email protected]

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EPA’s WOTUS Repeal & Replace Welcome News for America’s Energy Producers, Rural Americans

WASHINGTON DC (January 23, 2020) – Today, the Trump administration completed the important process of repealing and replacing the Obama administration’s overreaching “waters of the United States” (WOTUS) definition. The previous definitions have repeatedly sought to maximize federal regulatory reach at the expense of state authority, subjecting farmers, energy producers and landowners generally to ever greater regulatory red tape from Washington DC bureaucrats.

In response to today’s news, Thomas Pyle, President of the American Energy Alliance, released the following statement:

“Today, President Trump made good on another important promise by replacing a federal regulation that was considered by many experts as an unprecedented attack on the private property rights of rural Americas. The Obama WOTUS rule would have unnecessarily harmed America’s farmers, ranches, and energy producers with no meaningful environmental benefit.”

“This much improved definition returns the proper role of the states in water regulation, restraining the federal government to interstate waters. It recognizes the obvious fact that water and land use conditions, and thus their needed regulation, are far different in Arizona or Michigan than in Florida or Idaho. The Clean Water Act explicitly says that states are the primary regulators when it comes to water and this rule seeks to better effect that statutory mandate.”

“Ultimately, the scope of federal regulatory authority over water must be decided definitively by the Supreme Court, but the American Energy Alliance applauds the administration for seeking to minimize regulatory burdens until such a ruling is made.”


Additional Resources:


For media inquiries please contact:
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NEPA Reform Overdue: Broken, Abused Law Must Be Modernized for Real Progress to Occur

AEA salutes first U.S. President in 30+ years bold enough to de-politicize permitting, infrastructure improvement process

WASHINGTON DC (January 9, 2020) – Thomas Pyle, President of the American Energy Alliance, issued the following statement in response to a deliberative/pre-decisional draft memo from the White House Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) regarding proposed rulemaking modernizing the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). Once the proposed rules are filed in the federal register, the public will have 60 days to comment on them.

When it was first signed into law in 1970, NEPA served as a way for federal agencies to consider the impacts of their actions, helping them to balance a range of interests. Today, NEPA is a massively expensive and time-consuming liability that threatens to derail crucial infrastructure and energy development projects. NEPA, as it currently operates, is the model of an outdated regulation that has been exploited beyond recognition from its original purpose.

For example, Section 2 reads:

The purposes of this Act are: To declare a national policy which will encourage productive and enjoyable harmony between man and his environment; to promote efforts which will prevent or eliminate damage to the environment and biosphere and stimulate the health and welfare of man…

“I’ve never questioned the merits behind NEPA and no one is honestly talking about a full repeal, but it is undeniably outdated and being abused to stop economic growth in the misleading rally cry of environmental, climate change protection. It needs to be fixed and we have a President bold enough to address its ineffective process. The mere fact that President Trump is attempting to modernize one of the most inefficient, growth-slowing, infrastructure-stopping laws is victory alone.”

“Americans need (and deserve) updated infrastructure to get them safely where they need to go and ensure affordable, reliable energy arrives to their cities, communities, businesses, and homes. Radical environmental groups have twisted the intent behind NEPA and leveraged the legal system to their advantage in a coordinated effort to slow and stop progress and I welcome the news that President Trump plans stop them in his commitment to make America great again.”


Additional Resources:


For media inquiries please contact:
[email protected]

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On Energy, Taxpayers Survive (Mostly) Unscathed

After many months of speculation, we have the text of the tax extenders package. As expected, the deal extends a host of small expired or expiring tax provisions from the last several years. On the energy front, however, taxpayers have mostly dodged a bullet. With the exception a 5-year extension of the biodiesel tax credit and a one-year extension of the wind Production Tax Credit (PTC), the extenders deal does not include the host of expensive subsidies proposed by House Ways and Means Democrats last month in their GREEN Act. The extenders deal is expected to sail through Congress this week attached to one of the spending bills that must pass by Friday to prevent a government shutdown.

First the bad news: the biodiesel tax credit extension. Since 2005, this credit has provided a $1 per gallon subsidy for this niche product. The credit was originally created to reduce US oil imports in favor of domestic biodiesel production. But in the interim, the shale oil boom means that the US is now the world’s largest oil producer and is projected to be a net oil exporter as soon as next year. In the midst of this abundance, one might question why the federal government should continue to subsidize biodiesel. But for a special interest, there is no such thing as a temporary program, and the extenders deal retroactively renews and extends the credit through 2022. While this is disappointing for taxpayers, given that Sen. Grassley, a staunch protector of biofuel subsidies, is the chairman of the Senate tax-writing committee, an extension of this credit was always expected to be in any extenders deal.

In other, somewhat less, bad news, the deal also includes a one-year extension of the wind PTC.  The PTC is a direct handout to wind electricity generators for every kilowatt of electricity produced, which they collect over 10 years.  Another “temporary” subsidy that has never been allowed to die, the PTC has hung around since 1992. In 2015, a grand bargain was reached on a multi-year extension of the PTC in exchange for a phase-down of the value of the subsidy. At the time, and for many years since, we were assured by the wind industry that their technology was mature and ready to compete on a level playing field. For years now the media has been filled with assertions that wind and solar power generation are so competitive they are actually cheaper than their conventional competitors!

But as the phase down deadline has drawn closer, the tune predictably changed. Suddenly this supposedly super-competitive generation source cannot survive without continued subsidies. Under the current phase-down plan, the PTC alone was already expected to cost almost $33 billion over the 10 years to 2028, with taxpayers continuing to be on the hook well into the 2030’s. The additional year included in the extenders deal only adds to this bill, though we can at least be relieved that the extension is only for one year. The question remains for the wind industry, when will it ever be enough.

But it’s not all bad news.  Thanks to the reported intervention of President Trump, the proposed expansion of the electric vehicle tax credit was not included in the deal. This is a major victory for taxpayers and free markets. Under current law, the EV tax credit applies to the first 200,000 cars made by each manufacturer, distorting markets and expected to cost an estimated $10 billion. But at least it has a cap, limiting the harm. Tesla and GM, the two companies that have already used up their cap allotment, aggressively lobbied to keep the gravy train running. A bill from Sen. Stabenow, included in the GREEN Act, would expand the cap to 600,000 vehicles at an estimated additional cost of $15.7 billion. Thankfully, efforts to attach an expansion of the credit to this deal were unsuccessful.

The extenders deal also rejects other big-ticket items from the GREEN Act that would have distorted energy markets. In particular, the deal includes no modification to the Investment Tax Credit, a subsidy that gives solar developers a 30% tax credit on their projects. In the same 2015 deal that extended and phased out the PTC mentioned above, the ITC was extended and scheduled to be reduced to 10% over several years beginning next year. Like the wind industry, the solar industry has since taken to insisting that their subsidies should continue. The GREEN Act not only sought to extend the ITC for solar, but it also proposed to expand ITC eligibility to cover battery storage as well, since someone finally realized that solar only works during the day and needs backups.  Efforts to expand the ITC will continue, but this exclusion from the extenders deal is an important success.

Ideally, of course, Congress would reject all subsidies and distortions in energy markets, letting consumers decide which energy source or product is best for them. Failing that, Congress should at least not make things worse than they already are. While not perfect, this tax extenders package keeps the damage to a minimum. In today’s subsidy-happy Washington, that has to count as a victory.

President Trump Holds the Line: Protects Middle Class Taxpayers from the Green New Deal

AEA cheers holiday reprieve for taxpayers, but more work needs to be done

WASHINGTON DC (December 17, 2019) – Thomas Pyle, President of the American Energy Alliance, issued the following statement in response to news of an agreement on tax extensions for FY 2020. The U.S. House of Representatives is scheduled to cast formal votes later today, which could end with a finalized budget on the President’s desk before Christmas.

“After a marathon political showdown, President Trump’s opposition to green subsidies has won the day. Credit is something you earn, not give away. Refusing to expand the costly, unnecessary, and unfair electric vehicle tax credit, the solar investment tax credit, and other green giveaways, is a major win for middle class American taxpayers.”

“President Trump stuck to his guns against a Congress hell-bent on saddling the cost of the Green New Deal on middle class American taxpayers. Companies like General Motors (GM) and Tesla have been clamoring for more taxpayer dollars to prop up their subsidy-based business model by doing everything in their power to influence our legislative process in their favor. But common sense has prevailed. President Trump deserves all the credit for holding the line on the electric vehicle tax credit expansion.”

“President Trump deserves credit for putting billions back into taxpayers’ pockets and the renewable energy special interests ought to be terrified at this outcome. AEA commends President Trump for making his opposition to a handout increase clear, and to the Congress for reaching a deal that allows the electric vehicle tax credit to run its course, as intended.”


Still, there were some failures. Congress’s year-end spending frenzy has, as usual, left taxpayers on the hook for ballooning federal expenditures and the biodiesel gravy train will continue, thanks mainly to Senator Chuck Grassley. Perhaps most disappointing, however, is the fact that the wind lobby will continue to receive a generous federal windfall through another extension of the wind production tax credit (PTC), essentially reneging on their commitment to wean themselves off the federal dole. The wind PTC will thus continue to distort electricity markets well into the 2030s, despite claims by the industry, and its lobbyists, that wind generation is now cost-competitive with other sources.

Pyle added the following about the PTC extension:

“Big Wind succeeded in securing themselves another taxpayer-funded, billion-dollar windfall, proving once again they are afraid to compete on a level playing field. You can bet they are already gearing up to take another run at picking our pockets again next year, but they won’t do so without a fight from AEA. You can take that to the bank.”

Additional Resources:


For media inquiries please contact:
[email protected]

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Coalition to Senate Leaders: Put the Brakes on Electric Vehicle Subsidies

33 free-market organizations join effort opposing extensions or increasing EV tax credits

WASHINGTON DC (December 10, 2019) – Following the launch of their latest initiative against unnecessary subsidies, the American Energy Alliance (AEA), backed by thirty-two additional signers, issued the following letter to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell urging him and his colleagues to oppose any kind of end-of-year deal that includes an extension or increase of the electric vehicle (EV) tax credit.

AEA President Thomas Pyle made the following statement:

“History has proven that lawmakers tend to cut awful deals before rushing out for the holidays. This year is shaping up to be no different. With talk by the Democrats of insisting on an expansion of the electric vehicle tax credit in any final tax extenders deal, it is up to the leaders in the Senate to protect taxpayers and oppose any such deal.”

“The evidence is overwhelming. The electric vehicle tax credit was designed to be temporary, it has proven to be inefficient, costly, unfair and a handout to wealthy elitists who primarily live on the coasts. As House Democrats have put electric vehicle subsidies at the top of their ill-conceived Green New Deal, Senate leaders must step up and put the brakes on the expansion of the electric vehicle tax credit.”

A text version of the letter is below.

We, the undersigned organizations, write to object to any compromise
that extends, expands, or enlarges the electric vehicle tax credit.
As we have repeatedly argued, the drafters of the tax credit were clear
and prudent in their crafting of the credit’s introductory language,
which limited the credit to each manufacturer’s first 200,000 electric
vehicle sales. Senator Orrin Hatch, sponsor of the original legislation in
2007, stated:

I want to emphasize that like the tax credits available
under current law for hybrid electric vehicles, the tax
incentives in the FREEDOM Act are temporary. They are
needed in order to help get these products over the initial
stage of production, when they are quite a bit more
expensive than older technology vehicles, to the mass
production stage, where economies of scale will drive costs
down and the credits will no longer be necessary.

Now, more than a decade on, the wisdom holds. With EV sales
continuing to increase year after year, no justification exists to extend,
expand, or enlarge the electric vehicle tax credit. The Senate must act
in favor of fiscal conservatism and commonsense by simply remaining
faithful to the legislation’s purpose and allowing the credit to run its
course.

The electric vehicle tax credit is not necessary to support the vehicle
market in the U.S. It is a $9.7 billion subsidy that, for all practical
purposes, serves the wealthy. A recent study found that 79 percent of
electric vehicle tax credits were claimed by households with an
adjusted gross income of more than $100,000 a year.

Further, 46 percent of the credits flow to one state, California, despite
it making up just 12 percent of the national market for automobiles.
This geographical iniquity alone should give Senators pause as they
consider who is served by the tax credit and at whom that cost comes.
The fact of the matter is that wealthy, coastal, new car buyers and
companies like Tesla are the primary beneficiaries, while the average
American taxpayer is left on the hook.

What’s more, the majority of voters oppose this wealth transfer. According to polling research conducted last summer, two-thirds of voters say they do not want to help people buy electric vehicles. They also overwhelmingly oppose being forced to pay for new vehicle charging infrastructure. In general, American voters trust the market to sort out vehicle purchases. The Senate should trust in their wisdom.

House Democrats have put electric vehicle subsidies at the top of their
ill-conceived Green New Deal, but to add insult to fiscal injury electric
vehicles are not cleaner than modern internal combustion engines. As
explained in studies from the Manhattan Institute and the IFO Institute
in Germany, life-cycle emissions from electric vehicles may even
exceed those from new internal combustion engine vehicles.

Extending, expanding, or enlarging the electric vehicle tax credit would further enrich wealthy, coastal elites and a handful of companies. It up to you and your fellow Republicans in the Senate to protect American taxpayers.

The electric vehicle tax credit was meant to nurture an infant industry,
not provide corporate welfare in perpetuity. The electric vehicle tax
credit should be eliminated, but at the very least, Senate Republicans
can forcefully reject extending, expanding, or enlarging this dreadful
subsidy.

The full letter and list of signatories can be read here.


For media inquiries please contact:
[email protected]

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The “Everybody Gets a Car!” Act

Last week, following the grand tradition of Oprah whereby guests receive free gifts just for attending, Democrats on the House Ways and Means Committee, led by Rep. Mike Thompson, announced a draft bill dubbed the Growing Renewable Energy and Efficiency Now Act (or GREEN Act).  But a better name for it would be the Everybody Gets a Car Act, or perhaps the No Green Lobbyist Left Behind Act.  Because just like an episode of Oprah’s favorite things, House Democrats are handing out free presents to the entire audience.  And all at taxpayer expense.

Despite the billing, most of the discussion draft does not contain new ideas.  Rather, it is mainly an expensive extension of a host of tax breaks for special interests that have either expired or are scheduled to phase out.  The gang’s all here:

  • The Production Tax Credit (PTC) for wind power,
  • The Investment Tax Credit (ITC) for solar power,
  • The electric vehicle (EV) tax credit,
  • The biodiesel tax credit,
  • Several tax breaks for for commercial and residential energy efficiency. 

As for new innovations, the bill includes:

  • A new tax credit for used EVs,
  • New subsidies for public electric vehicles charging stations,
  • Expanding ITC eligibility to cover batteries, and
  • A billion dollars (that’s billion with a B) per year for environmental justice programs at universities.  (Note: It is not clear how exactly an endowed professorship in environmental justice combats climate change, but hey since we are spending money why not give everyone some?)

Big subsidies, little power

The inclusion of the PTC and ITC in this bill is a particularly egregious example of Washington doublespeak.  In 2015, a grand bargain was reached on a multi-year extension of the PTC and ITC in exchange for a phase down of the value of those two tax subsidies.  At the time, and for many years since, we were assured by the wind and solar industries that their technology was mature and ready to compete on a level playing field.  For years now the media has been filled with assertions that wind and solar power generation are so competitive they are actually cheaper than their conventional competitors!

But as the phase down deadlines have drawn closer, the tune has predictably changed.  Suddenly these supposedly super-competitive generation sources cannot survive without continued subsidies.  Under the current phase down plan, the PTC alone is already expected to cost almost $33 billion over the 10 years to 2028.  But they need more?  Keep in mind that these billions are being spent to subsidize an industry that provided only 6.5% of electricity generation in 2018.  The ITC, projected to cost over $30 billion, subsidizes a solar industry that provides a mere 1.5% of generation.

The inclusion of new subsidy eligibility for battery storage really exposes the underlying folly of relying on wind and solar electricity generation.  At small percentages, wind and solar can slot into the existing electricity grid fairly easily because reliable power sources can be forced to (expensively) adjust to the only sometimes on wind and solar generation.  But at greater penetrations, even those a long way short of the 100% renewables fantasy being pushed in some quarters, wind and solar are too unreliable to power a modern economy.  They require backups for when the sun is not shining and the wind is not blowing.  Right now, that backup is mostly provided by natural gas, but in the 100% renewables fantasy, backup is supposed to come from vast fields of batteries.  Very expensive batteries.   That also must be subsidized.

The PTC and ITC provisions of this bill expose a stark truth: the authors know that renewable generation is a creature of government.  Wind and solar must be subsidized to be built and then batteries must be subsidized to provide backup.  And if spending their tax dollars on subsidies on the front end isn’t enough, taxpayers end up paying again for the higher electricity rates that come with a more renewable electricity grid and end up with less reliable power (see California, the UK, and Australia for examples).

Subsidizing toys for coastal elites

The route that the draft bill takes for expanding electric vehicle subsidies is drawn from the Drive America Forward Act, introduced earlier this year.  As AEA has previously described, the EV tax credit is unnecessary, inefficient, unpopular, costly and unfair

  • 70 percent of EV owners would have purchased their vehicle without receiving a subsidy, which is not surprising given that 78 percent of credits go to households making more than $100,000 a year. 
  • As AEA has extensively documented over many years, voters don’t like being forced to subsidize electric vehicle purchases.
  • The existing EV tax credit already stands to cost taxpayers $9.7 billion.
  • In 2018, over 46 percent of new electric vehicle sales were made in California alone, though California represents only about 12 percent of the U.S. car market.

Add these factors up and you have a program that subsidizes wealthy people, mostly living on the coasts, to buy an expensive vanity car, all at the expense of taxpayers and consumers in the rest of the country.

The one virtue in the design of the EV tax credit, though, is that it at least terminates after a given car manufacturer has sold 200,000 vehicles—giving it an end date.  This draft bill, however, would expand that cap to 600,000 vehicles.  One estimate puts the cost of this expansion at $15.7 billion.  Add that to the nearly $10 billion in taxpayer money already committed to EV subsidies, and we are looking at spending $25 billion to subsidize fancy toys for coastal elites.

No special interest left behind

The draft bill includes an extension of the biodiesel tax credit, which since 2005 has provided a $1 per gallon subsidy for this niche product.  This credit was originally created to reduce US oil imports in favor of domestic biodiesel production.  But in the interim, the shale oil boom means that the US is now the world’s largest oil producer and is projected to be a net oil exporter as soon as next year.  In the midst of this abundance, one might question why the federal government should continue to subsidize biodiesel.  But for a special interest lobbyist there is no such thing as a temporary program.

Also included is a new subsidy for public electric vehicle charging stations.  If the subsidies for the purchase of the EVs in the first place weren’t enough, now the federal government is being asked to subsidize their fueling too.  An EV’s range is only as great as it’s battery capacity, and unlike a gas-powered vehicle, it cannot be fueled up in five minutes and driven away.  The “solution” offered is providing charging stations in as many places as possible: grocery stores, apartment buildings, government offices, malls, you name it.  But all this infrastructure is expensive.  New power connections, especially for chargers that don’t take hours to charge, do not come cheap.  And who better to subsidize this expensive overbuilding of infrastructure than the hundreds of millions of taxpayers who don’t own electric vehicles, right?

The rest of the draft is a grab bag of handouts to seemingly everyone who has taken a meeting with the Ways and Means Democrats, but one final provision stands out as a bizarre non sequitur.  Despite the asserted goal of “addressing the threat of climate change through the tax code,” the draft bill includes $5 billion in subsidies for so-called environmental justice programs at universities.  The bill is silent on how subsidizing fringe university social science departments fights climate change, but clearly those activists had a great lobbyist.

Let’s make a deal: everyone gets a pony

Even if this bill as written is not going to pass into law, it should not be taken lightly.  This is the first step in the venerable Washington tradition of logrolling: hand out enough goodies to enough special interests to roll up sufficient votes and then insert the whole collection of giveaways into a larger bill.  The proponents of this bill want to jam as many of these handouts into a tax extenders grand bargain.  This bloated, reanimated corpse of currently dead (and dying) tax provisions can then be tacked onto must past legislation at the end of the year, such as a spending bill that forces the acceptance of this special interest pork fest as a requirement to fund the government.  However draped in green clothing, it’s an old game.  The only question is whether more sober members of Congress will give this bill the dismissal it so richly deserves.

AEA Surveys

The American Energy Alliance has conducted and sponsored a number of surveys in recent years to reveal public sentiment on key energy issues.

Survey Title and LinkRelease Date
Voters Don’t Want to Pay for Biden’s Global Warming AgendaApril 2021
American Voters Concerned about Economy, Not ClimateMay 2020
Voters to Congress: Make a U-Turn on Special Vehicle PreferencesOctober 2019
New Survey Results Find Voters (Still) Don’t Favor EV Subsidies May 2019
New Survey Finds Voters Skeptical of Government Action on Climate Change March 2019
New Survey: Voters (Still) Find Vehicle Subsidies “Unfair”June 2018
IER-ACU Foundation Energy & Environment SurveyOctober 2017
Survey: Americans Don’t Want to Pay for Neighbor’s EVSeptember 2015
Americans Skeptical of Federal Energy DictatesSeptember 2014
IER Survey Finds Broad-Based Opposition to Carbon TaxJune 2013
IER Survey: Government Transparency Demanded By TaxpayersMay 2013
Carbon Tax SurveyDecember 2012
IER National SurveySeptember 2008

If you are looking for a specific survey sponsored by AEA and don’t see it on this list contact AEA’s press office ([email protected]) for assistance.

Does Justice Demand Fossil Fuel Divestment?

What is the fossil fuel divestment movement?

The fossil fuel divestment movement is a social activism campaign seeking to malign the natural gas, oil, and coal industries and pressure investors to withdraw their capital from such enterprises. Like the phrase “climate change denial,” the phrase “fossil fuel divestment” is used to convey to an uncritical audience that the social activism campaign is one of profound moral superiority to an evil alternative. The accusation of “climate change denial” implicitly compares opposition to the global warming agenda with the odious ideology of Holocaust denial. Likewise, “fossil fuel divestment” is meant to conjure associations with morally righteous causes, like the social activism toward divestment from South Africa’s apartheid regime. The fossil fuel divestment movement’s profound error, however, is that the natural gas, oil, and coal industries are, far from being malevolent forces, supremely important to the wellbeing of humanity.

Divestment as a tactic

A divestment movement as such—i.e., a social activism campaign to discourage certain business practices—is an ethically neutral tactic. Indeed, divestment can be a worthy social cause or an unworthy one. When companies engage in practices that violate moral standards it is a perfectly reasonable response for the public to express moral censure and to use free speech to convince investors to place their money elsewhere.

The purpose of divestment movements is primarily rhetorical. It is to cast a pall over certain companies or industries. As William MacAskill wrote in The New Yorker, “Campaigns can use divestment as a media hook to generate stigma around certain industries, such as fossil fuel. In the long run, such stigma might lead to fewer people wanting to work at fossil-fuel companies, driving up the cost of labor for those corporations, and perhaps to greater popular support for better climate policies…If divestment campaigns are run, it should be with the aim of stigmatization in mind. However, campaigners need to be careful. First, there is a risk of confusing people—suggesting that divestment will directly hit companies in the pocketbook when the evidence mostly suggests that it won’t.”

Just investment

Though the efficacy of divesting from companies has been called into question by academic researchers, the moral aspect alone is enough to motivate some activists. On moral grounds, divestment from certain sorts of companies makes perfect sense. Consider, for example, companies that contribute to tyranny or cruelty by doing business with authoritarian states like the People’s Republic of China. Or consider companies that are themselves intricately woven into the governments of anti-freedom regimes, such as Russia’s state-owned energy companies Gazprom and Rosneft. Consider also companies that engage in labor practices that would enrage us if they took place in our own countries, such as the coercion of child laborers in the Democratic Republic of Congo who mine the rare earth metals that go into electric vehicle batteries and solar panels. It is reasonable, even admirable, to encourage thoughtful investment that avoids perpetuating social evils like these.

Investors should conscientiously judge the moral worthiness of their holdings. Our conscientious judgment is that contrary to the sorts of enterprises described above, privately-owned natural gas, oil, and coal companies have been and will continue to be some of the greatest benefactors of human economic advancement the world has ever known. Natural gas, oil, and coal produced in countries with strong rule-of-law institutions, like the United States, are bringing people out of poverty and simultaneously weakening the grip of bad actors in the Middle East and Eastern Europe. The clearest example of this at present is the export of liquefied natural gas by U.S. produces to countries like Poland that have historically been at the mercy of Russia’s energy oligarchs.

When considering divestment demands, fund-managers should ask certain questions: Are companies operating within the rules established by rightful legislative or regulatory authorities? Are companies providing a good or service that provides value? Natural gas, oil, and coal companies should be judged by the same standard.

People across the globe continue to endorse resoundingly the value that natural gas, oil, and coal provide for them each day by opting into the enormously useful energy they supply. That is fundamentally what an investment return is: a demonstration that other human beings derive value from the good or service a company provides and that the company is able to do it in a financially sustainable way. By investing in privately-owned natural gas, oil, and coal enterprises, funds are building opportunities for more of those win-win propositions.

Fossil fuel divestment targets

The entities that have come under the most pressure from the fossil fuel divestment movement are university endowments, public pension funds, and charitable foundations, like faith groups and family trusts. According to 350.org, an outfit that serves as the divestment movement’s hub, “Over 1110 institutions have now committed to policies black-listing coal, oil and gas. These include sovereign wealth funds, banks, global asset managers and insurance companies, cities, pension funds, health care organizations, universities, faith groups and foundations.”

While it is often universities’ own students who are clamoring the loudest for their institutions to divest, the same cannot be said about the beneficiaries from public pension funds. And for good reason. As  Institute for Energy Research CEO Robert L. Bradley Jr. explained in the Washington Examiner:

State pension funds manage retirement benefits for public employees, such as teachers, firefighters, and police officers. And these plans are heavily invested in the energy industry. Nearly 30% of fossil fuel industry shares are held by pension funds. And almost 20% are owned in individual retirement accounts. Because they’re high performing, fossil-fuel-related stocks help secure public employees’ retirement plans. An average investment portfolio featuring fossil fuels outperforms a divested portfolio of equal risk by 0.5% per year over the long run, according to economic consultant Compass Lexecon. That might not sound like much, but over several decades it amounts to tens of thousands of dollars per worker.

That’s why divestment would hurt America’s retirees the most. Were they to divest, the nation’s 11 top pension funds would risk losing up to $430 million a year and almost $4.9 trillion over 50 years. Specifically, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System and New York’s five pension funds would risk missing out on nearly $290 million and $120 million per year, respectively.

Pension fund managers, as well as the managers of other institutional funds, have a responsibility to deliver the best results possible to the people whose money is on the line. In terms of performance, natural gas, oil, and coal stocks continue to shine. Even among activists who support fossil fuel divestment, the more informed see a conundrum. “The climate movement in some ways has the most difficult goal:

To convince people to divest from the energy we rely on every day, from stocks that make up a massive part of the economy. They perform well, too,” Rebecca Leber wrote in The New Republic. “In absence of climate legislation, these stocks will continue to perform well, especially oil and gas. An average 10-year return on investment for oil and natural gas stocks at 11.5 percent, higher than the overall 5.6 percent returns on college endowments, according to the oil trade group American Petroleum Institute.” 

Conclusion

Divestment can be a worthy tactic in striving for a better world. Investors should think seriously about where they put their money. But divestment is better left for cases of genuine injustice and unscrupulous behavior—of which there is no shortage today. Natural gas, oil, and coal companies that abide by laws and norms in North America, Western Europe, Japan, and other regions where rights and freedoms are upheld are not the enemies the divestment movement asserts. These companies, rather than doing the world harm, are some of its greatest benefactors.

Global energy demand rose 2.3 percent last year, with natural gas, oil, and coal making up more than two-thirds of that increase. Demand is expected to continue growing—by 2050, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, we should expect it to be 50 percent higher than today, with fossil fuels accounting for 70 percent of the increase. This is, of course, precisely why natural gas, oil, and coal are attractive investments.

According to the International Energy Agency, hundreds of millions of people have gained access to modern energy over the last two decades, especially in China and India. Nevertheless, around a billion people still today do not have electricity. Those energy-starved people stand to benefit most from the natural gas, oil, and coal industries and they deserve to be free to select the most accessible energy sources available. As was the case when North America and the other wealthy parts of the world industrialized, coal tends to provide a great option for those mired in energy poverty. That’s why China is currently building more coal-fired capacity than the entire U.S. coal fleet supplies today. As described above, Poland is now looking to U.S. gas producers to provide it with energy free from the baggage of dealing with the corrupt Russian regime.

Affordable, reliable energy is a vital building block for the material advancement that people in the world’s wealthiest countries enjoy, but one that people in many parts of the world have yet to experience. Natural gas, oil, and coal have proven themselves time and again to be the low-cost, flexible fuels that upstart economies need to get going. Simply put, the natural gas, oil, and coal industries in the U.S. and other free countries are a powerful global force for good.

It is not fossil fuel divestment, but fossil fuel investment that individuals concerned with global health and happiness should embrace.